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OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

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Commodore  Byron  MCCandless 


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j-  j.  L 


c^_ 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 

OF 

WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

OF   SOUTH  CAROLINA 
1782-1822 

BY 

MKS.  ST.  JULIEN  RAVENEL 


BOSTON  AND   NEW  YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

($be  fitocrrfi&e  J?re^,  Cambn&fle 

1901 


COPYRIGHT,  I9OI,  BY  HARRIOTT   H.  RAVENEL 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


an  3 


TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 
MY  MOTHER 

REBECCA  MOTTE   RUTLEDGE 

ONLY  DAUGHTER  OF 

WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

IN  ACCORDANCE  WITH  WHOSE  EARNEST  WISH 

THIS  BOOK  HAS  BEEN  COMPILED 

IT  IS  AFFECTIONATELY  DEDICATED 


957168 


PREFACE 

A  word  of  explanation  —  perhaps  of  apology  — 
is  necessary  in  presenting  this  book  to  the  public. 
Of  apology  that  the  life  of  a  statesman  should  be 
attempted  by  one  who  has  no  skill  in  statecraft,  of 
explanation  why  it  has  been  so  attempted. 

Mrs.  William  Lowndes  during  her  long  widow- 
hood carefully  collected  all  letters  and  papers  which 
might  be  useful  for  a  life  of  her  husband.  She  died 
in  1857,  bequeathing  these  letters  to  her  daughter, 
Mrs.  Rutledge,  to  be  used  whenever  a  competent 
writer  should  be  found.  Early  in  1860  the  Honor- 
able William  J.  Grayson,  than  whom  none  could 
be  more  competent,  offered  to  undertake  the  work, 
and  by  the  help  of  these  papers  prepared  a  memoir. 
But  for  two  curious  accidents  this  present  book 
need  never  have  been  written. 

Mr.  Grayson  died  during  the  war  between  the 
States,  and  his  MS.  passed  into  the  possession  of 
the  late  Major  Rawlins  Lowndes,  of  New  York,  and 
was  carried  by  him  to  New  York  with  a  view  to  its 
publication.  Before  completing  the  arrangements 
Major  Lowndes  also  died,  and  in  some  unexplained 
manner  the  MS.  was  lost.  No  trace  of  it  has  ever 
been  found.     The  loss  was  the  more  severe  since 


vi  PREFACE 

the  materials  from  which  it  was  prepared  had  all 
perished  in  the  great  fire  of  Charleston  in  18G1. 

Fortunately  it  had  been  previously  examined  by 
the  son-in-law  of  Major  Lowndes,  George  Chase, 
Esq.,  of  Boston,  who  introduced  copious  extracts 
into  his  valuable  genealogical  work,  "  Lowndes  of 
South  Carolina,"  thus  preserving  many  important 
facts. 

These  repeated  accidents  caused  an  abandonment 
of  the  work  for  years.  It  was  found,  however,  that 
a  collection  of  private  letters  and  note-books  had 
escaped  the  conflagration,  not  having  been  thought 
of  sufficient  importance  to  be  carefully  secured. 
These,  too  familiar  and  slight  to  be  offered  to  a 
professional  writer,  might  still  furnish  some  picture 
of  the  man,  if  treated  with  patient  and  reverent 
care. 

It  is  for  the  most  part  from  these  stones  rejected 
of  the  builder  that  the  writer  has  made  her  book. 
She  was  encouraged  in  so  doing  by  the  knowledge 
that  although  seventy-eight  years  have  passed  since 
the  death  of  Mr.  Lowndes,  he  is  yet  remembered 
wherever  the  history  of  the  early  part  of  the  last 
century  is  studied.  Among  his  own  people  his  name 
is  held  in  honor,  and  the  chief  military  corps  of 
Charleston,  the  Washington  Light  Infantry,  still 
keeps  his  memory  green,  delighting  to  recall,  among 
all  its  more  recent  glories,  that  ninety-four  years 
ago  he  was  its  first  captain. 

For  authorities  the  writer  has  relied  for  the  earlier 
chapters  upon  Ramsay,  Drayton,  and  Garden,  his- 


PREFACE  vii 

torians  of  Carolina,  Mr.  McCrady's  invaluable 
work,  "  South  Carolina  under  the  Eoyal  Govern- 
ment," not  having  appeared  when  she  was  writ- 
ing. Also  upon  "  Elliot's  Debates,"  Wirt's  "  Life 
of  Patrick  Henry,"  papers  by  Ex-Mayor  W.  A. 
Courtenay  in  the  "Year  Books  of  Charleston," 
1880-1887,  Gregg's  "History  of  the  Old  Cheraws," 
etc.,  etc. 

For  the  more  recent  period  she  has  had  the  as- 
sistance of  a  MS.  sketch  of  Mr.  Lowndes  by  the 
late  Mr.  Daniel  Ravenel,  and  of  another  by  an 
anonymous  writer  evidently  well  acquainted  with 
his  subject.  These  MSS.  are  generally  referred 
to  when  any  personal  detail  not  otherwise  credited 
is  given.  The  "  Abridged  Congressional  Debates  " 
and  many  newspapers  of  the  time  have  been  used. 
She  has  also  relied  upon  Mr.  Chase's  "  Lowndes  of 
South  Carolina,"  Mr.  Adams's  "  History  of  Jeffer- 
son's, Madison's,  and  Monroe's  Administration," 
upon  Randall's  "  Life  of  Jefferson,"  J.  Q.  Adams's 
"  Diary,"  and  the  lives  of  Story,  Pickering,  Cabot, 
and  others,  —  these  more  particularly  for  points 
affecting  New  England. 

She  is  greatly  indebted  to  the  grandson  of  Mr. 
Lowndes,  Thomas  Pinckney  Lowndes,  Esq.  (who 
has  passed  away  since  this  MS.  was  completed), 
for  carefully  collected  notes  upon  his  grandfather, 
and  for  letters  in  his  possession. 

To  James  Lowndes,  Esq.,  of  Washington,  and 
to  Langdon  Cheves,  Esq.,  for  help  of  the  same 
kind.     To  Edward  McCrady,  Esq.,  to  the   Hon. 


viii  PREFACE 

William  A.  Courtenay,  LL.  D.,  and  to  Prof,  della 
Torre  of  the  Charleston  College,  for  much  kind  as- 
sistance. 

Harriott  Horry  (Rutledge)  Ravenel. 

Charleston,  S.  C,  January  24,  1901. 


CONTENTS 

Chap.  Page 

I.   Bikth  and  Parentage 1 

II.  Years  of  Restoration 19 

III.  Childhood  and  Youth 35 

IV.  Early  Manhood 53 

V.  Congress 82 

VI.   In  War  Time 115 

VII.  Domestic  and  Foreign  Affairs   ....  149 

VIII.   Remainder  of  Session:  Visit  to  Europe        .  172 

IX.  Missouri  Struggle:  Illness          ....  198 

X.  Nomination  for  President  :  Death         .        .  223 

Appendix 242 

Index 251 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  WILLIAM 
LOWNDES 


CHAPTER  I 

BIRTH   AND   PARENTAGE 

1782 

The  beginning  of  the  year  1782  was  a  critical 
period  in  the  history  of  lower  South  Carolina.  The 
British  forces,  recoiling  before  the  successes  of 
Marion,  Sumter,  and  Greene,  had  abandoned  the 
middle  country  to  the  Americans,  only  to  intrench 
themselves  the  more  securely  in  Charles  Town  and 
its  vicinity.  From  these  fortified  posts,  they  made, 
with  their  armed  galleys,  frequent  descents  upon 
the  plantations  and  villages  of  the  coast,  plunder- 
ing and  destroying  everything  that  they  could  find, 
without  the  slightest  regard  to  the  privileges  con- 
ferred by  the  parole,  which,  offered  after  the  fall  of 
Charles  Town  in  1780,  was  supposed  to  afford 
security  to  the  families  and  property  of  those  who 
had  taken  it.  Governor  Rutledge,  writing  to  the 
delegates  from  South  Carolina  in  Congress,  says :  — 

"  The  enemy  seem  determined,  if  they  can,  to 
break  every  man's  spirit,  and  if  they  can't,  to  ruin 
him.  Engagements  of  capitulation  and  proclama- 
tions are  no  security  against  their  oppressions  and 
cruelties." 


2  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

Nevertheless,  the  spirit  was  not  broken,  and  the 
people  now  knew  that  the  tide  of  fate  had  turned, 
that  Greene  was  coming  nearer  day  by  day,  and 
that  the  many  skirmishes  which  took  place  along 
the  coast  were  the  last  flashes  of  the  war. 

It  was  just  at  this  time,  February  the  eleventh, 
1782,  that  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  William 
Lowndes,  was  born  on  the  Horseshoe  plantation 
in  the  parish  of  St.  Bartholomew's,  Colleton.  And 
here  I  may  observe  that,  although  when  he  had 
achieved  national  reputation,  he  was  known  to  the 
world  as  "  Lowndes  of  Carolina,"  he  would  at  any 
time  have  described  himself  as  "  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew's," for  the  Carolinian  of  that  day,  like  his 
English  cousins,  always  identified  himself  with  the 
place  where  his  lands  lay,  and  was  first,  and  before 
all  things,  a  country  gentleman. 

He  was  the  youngest  and  only  surviving  child 
of  the  Honorable  Rawlins  Lowndes,  by  his  third 
wife,  Sarah,  daughter  of  Colonel  Charles  Jones,  of 
Georgia.  Mr.  Rawlins  Lowndes  had  been  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Revolution,  even  before  he  himself 
knew  whither  he  was  going ;  for  as  judge  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  and  General  Sessions  he 
had,  in  1754,  ordered  the  release  of  one  Powell,  a 
printer,  who  had  been  arrested  and  imprisoned  by 
order  of  the  Governor's  Council,  of  which  Sir 
Egerton  Leigh  was  then  president.  Powell  was 
arrested  because  he  had  presumed  to  print  some  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  said  council,  and  Mr.  Justice 
Lowndes,  then  Speaker  of  the  Commons'  House, 
ordered  him  set  at  liberty  ;  asserting  that  the  "  law 
of  the  land  gave  the  council  not  the  least  right  to 
commit,"  and  pointing  out,  with  scarcely  veiled 
irony,  that  it  could  not  derive  such  right  from  an 
imagined  identity  with  the  House  of  Lords. 

He  also,  in  the  same  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  — 


BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE  3 

that  unsalaried  court  in  which  some  of  the  best 
men  of  the  province  gave  their  time  to  their  coun- 
try, —  gave,  in  1776,  the  first  judgment  pronounced 
in  America  against  the  Stamp  Act,  declaring  it 
"  against  common  rights  and  the  constitution,"  and 
refusing  to  enforce  it.  For  these  offenses  a  frivo- 
lous charge  was  brought  against  him,  and  he  was 
dismissed  the  bench. 

Of  his  services  there,  one  of  his  colleagues, 
William  Henry  Drayton  (afterwards  chief  jus- 
tice of  the  State  of  South  Carolina),  writing,  under 
the  signature  of  "  Freeman,"  a  defense  of  himself 
and  his  brother  judges,  says :  — 

"  A  few  years  ago  the  bench  of  justice  in  this 
colony  was  filled  with  men  of  property,  and  if  all 
of  them  were  not  learned  in  the  law,  there  were 
some  among  them  who  taught  their  brethren  to  ad- 
minister justice  with  public  approbation  ;  and  one 1 
in  particular  had  so  well  digested  his  reading,  al- 
though he  had  never  eat  commons  at  the  Temple, 
that  he  was,  without  dispute,  at  least  equal  to  the 
law  learning  of  the  present  bench." 

By  "  the  present  bench "  Drayton  means  the 
judges  who  had  been  sent  from  England  to  hold 
the  office  as  soon  as  salaries  were  attached  to  it. 
He  also  says,  "  Mr.  Lowndes  and  myself  are  the 
only  two  judges  who  have  ventured  (and  with 
success,  too)  to  charge  juries  in  contradiction  to 
the  rest  of  the  court." 

Later  on,  it  was  Rawlins  Lowndes  who  proposed 
the  erection  of  the  statue  of  the  great  Chatham, 
which  still  stands  in  the  city  square  of  Charleston, 
in  memory  of  the  gratitude  of  a  spirited  people  to 
the  defender  of  its  rights.  Afterwards  he  was  a 
member  of  the  various  Councils  of  Safety,  etc., 
which  engineered  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution. 
1  Rawlins  Lowndes. 


4  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

But  although  a  resolute  and  fearless  man,  he  often 
in  these  councils  provoked  his  more  impetuous  col- 
leagues, Arthur  Middleton,  William  Henry  Dray- 
ton, and  others,  by  the  caution  of  his  movements 
and  his  unwillingness  to  take  steps  which  should 
render  war  inevitable  if  liberty  could  be  secured  in 
any  other  way. 

In  the  Council  of  Safety,  Middleton  and  Drayton 
were  the  leaders  of  the  "  extreme  party  "  —  Lowndes 
and  Parsons  (a  distinguished  lawyer)  of  the  "  Mod- 
erates," the  latter  representing  the  opposition.  It 
was  Arthur  Middleton  who  moved  to  attach  estates 
in  case  of  the  flight  of  the  owner,  and  to  excommu- 
nicate from  all  social  privileges  all  persons  who 
should  refuse  to  sign  the  "  Provincial  Oaths,"  as  the 
resolutions  of  non-intercourse,  etc.,  introduced  by 
the  Provincial  Congress,  were  called. 

William  Henry  Drayton  says  on  this  point,  "  No- 
thing has  been  determined  upon  but  the  tender  of 
the  oath  to  those  people.  I  have  twice  pushed 
hard  for  the  '  Resolution  for  attaching  estates  in 
case  of  desertion,'  but  have  not  been  lucky  enough 
to  get  a  second ;  the  matter,  however,  is  not  re- 
jected —  only  postponed. 

"  Rawlins,  postponator,  declares  the  resolution 
not  fit  to  proceed  from  the  Committee  of  South 
Carolina,  and  so  arbitrary,  that  only  the  Divan  of 
Constantinople  could  think  of  promulgating  such  a 
law." 

This  opposition  was  continued  to  the  very  end, 
for  when  the  delegates  to  that  Congress  which 
signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  were 
elected,  Mr.  Lowndes  pointed  out  the  dangers  to 
which  they  would  be  exposed.  The  opinions  of 
the  Northern  Colonies  were,  he  said,  much  more 
advanced  than  those  of  Carolina,  inasmuch  as  they 
"  denied  the  superintending  power  of  Parliament,  a 


BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE  5 

doctrine  which  no  one  here  admitted ;  and  unless 
our  deputies  from  this  colony  appeared  in  Congress 
with  limited  powers,  they,  being  outnumbered, 
would  be  bound  by  votes  upon  points  which  they 
absolutely  denied." 

The  event  proved  the  foresight  of  the  objection. 
The  powers  were  limited,  and  the  outnumbered 
deputies  from  South  Carolina  hesitated  long  be- 
fore signing  the  Declaration,  not  knowing  if  their 
people  would  support  them.  The  English  guns  in 
Charles  Town  harbor,  on  the  28th  of  June,  1776, 
settled  the  question. 

It  is  evident  that  all  these  men  disputed  vehe- 
mently, but  that  they  acquiesced  loyally  when  the 
vote  was  taken  ;  sometimes  deciding  an  important 
measure  by  a  majority  of  one  !  —  acting  as  became 
the  sons  of  Englishmen  who  had  not  lost  their 
political  birthright  of  good  sense. 

Of  their  differences  the  son  and  biographer  of 
Drayton  says :  "  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the 
individuals  whose  names  have  been  mentioned  as 
leading  opposition  in  the  public  councils  had  any 
other  than  the  purest  views  in  so  doing  ;  as  every 
free  and  independent  citizen  of  this  community  has 
from  the  first  settlement  of  this  colony  maintained 
his  right  to  comment  on  the  proceedings  of  the 
government."  Mr.  Drayton  remarks  on  the  kind 
treatment  which  the  colony  had  received,  and  con- 
tinues :  "  Hence  the  public  mind  weighed  how  far  it 
should  support  violent  measures  against  the  ancient 
government.  .  .  .  For  these  reasons  the  opposition 
members  were  always  kept  in  place,  as  eliciting  by 
their  opposition  more  prudent  measures.  And  that 
their  conduct  in  so  doing  was  not  disapproved,  the 
high  public  stations  to  which  many  of  them  were 
called  during  the  most  critical  times  of  the  Revolu- 
tion will  be  the  best  assurance  of  the  public  appro- 
bation." 


6  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

That  Mr.  Lowndes  was  in  no  way  ashamed  of 
this  opposition  is  shown  by  his  alluding  to  it  dur- 
ing the  debates  on  the  Constitution  in  1788  ;  when 
he  reminded  his  hearers  how  he  had  opposed  a 
Declaration  of  Independence,  but  had  yielded  it 
just  observance  when  once  adopted. 

His  first  call  to  "  high  public  station  "  was  in 
1778,  when  Mr.  John  Rutledge  resigned  the  presi- 
dency of  South  Carolina,  not  approving  of  the 
Constitution  then  adopted,  and  especially  objecting 
to  the  insufficient  authority  conferred  by  it  upon 
the  president,  and  the  withholding  the  veto  power. 
Mr.  Lowndes  held  the  office  for  a  year,  acting 
with  energy  and  resolution,  both  in  rejecting  with- 
out hesitation  the  British  ultimatum  sent  by  a  flag- 
ship into  Charles  Town,  and  in  making  every  pre- 
paration for  the  invasion,  which  after  the  fall  of 
Savannah  all  knew  must  surely  come. 

His  term  of  office  was  for  one  year  only,  and  at 
the  end  of  that  time  Mr.  Rutledge  resumed  the 
position,  with  the  title  of  "  Governor  "  (instead  of 
"  President ")  and  "  dictatorial "  powers,  conferred 
on  him  by  the  legislature. 

Among  all  these  public  employments  Mr. 
Lowndes  had  found  time  to  marry  three  times. 
His  first  wife  was  the  beautiful  Amarinthia  Elliott. 
She  lived  only  one  year,  and  he  then  married  Miss 
Mary  Cartwright,  by  whom  he  became  the  father 
of  many  sons  and  daughters.  One  little  touch  of 
sentiment  softens  and  embellishes  his  somewhat 
stern  character,  for  when  his  first  daughter  was 
born  he  named  her,  not  after  her  own  mother,  but 
Amarinthia,  for  the  young  wife  who  had  been 
buried  with  her  baby  in  her  arms. 

The  second  wife  also  was  no  sooner  dead  than 
he  married  the  third,  Miss  Sarah  Jones,  he  being 
over  fifty  and  she  sixteen.     A  portrait  of  this  lady, 


BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE  7 

in  the  possession  of  the  writer,  said  to  have  been 
taken  at  the  time  of  her  marriage,  shows  a  dark- 
eyed,  rosy-cheeked  girl,  more  fit,  one  would  say,  for 
the  schoolroom  than  for  the  head  of  a  household. 
Nevertheless,  she  did  so  well  both  as  the  wife  of 
an  old  man  and  as  the  mother  of  children  as  old 
as  herself,  that  her  stepchildren  loved  her,  and 
counted  her  son  as  one  of  themselves. 

By  the  end  of  the  war  the  gout,  that  tormentor 
of  our  grandfathers,  had  laid  its  clutches  upon  Mr. 
Lowndes.  Just  a  month  before  his  son  William 
was  born,  he  had  been  summoned  to  attend  the 
General  Assembly  at  Jacksonborough.  This  was 
a  matter  of  great  importance  to  the  State,  for  it 
was  the  first  assembly  that  had  been  held  since 
the  fall  of  Charles  Town,  two  years  before.  John 
Rutledge  had  been  keeping  up  a  civil  government 
with  little  but  resolution  and  an  untiring  spirit  to 
support  it,  —  driving  from  place  to  place,  as  the 
enemy  took,  or  abandoned,  one  or  another  position, 
and  often  barely  escaping  capture.  He  now  saw 
his  opportunity,  under  the  protection  of  Greene's 
advancing  army,  to  summon  the  legislature  to  ar- 
range for  the  new  era  about  to  begin,  and  to  resign 
the  authority  which  he  had  held  through  such  trou- 
blous times. 

Mr.  Lowndes  was  chosen  a  delegate  from  St. 
Bartholomew's  and  did  his  best  to  attend,  but  did 
not  arrive  until  the  assembly  had  begun  its  debates. 
He  was  reprimanded  for  want  of  punctuality,  and 
answered  "  that  he  had  used  due  diligence,  but 
that  the  enemy  having  carried  off  all  his  horses, 
and  he  being  helpless  with  the  gout,  he  had  been 
forced  to  harness  six  oxen  to  his  coach  ;  hence  his 
slow  progress.  Mrs.  Horry,  of  South  Santee,  had 
met  him  on  the  road,  and  could  testify."  It  helps 
one   to  recognize  how  short  a  period  our  history 


8  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

covers,  to  know  that  the  present  writer  has  heard 
this  scene  described,  by  one  who  saw  it.  Mrs. 
Horry's  little  daughter,  who,  looking  from  the  win- 
dow of  her  mother's  chaise,  saw  the  coach  with  its 
clumsy  steeds  —  the  oxen  swaying  from  side  to 
side,  the  negro  drivers  running  and  shouting,  and 
the  old  gentleman  bowing  his  powdered  head,  and 
apologizing  for  interfering  with  Mrs.  Horry's  pro- 
gress. 

The  assembly  sat  in  safety,  though  not  without 
apprehension.  It  had  really  been  summoned  to 
Jacksonborough  (which  was  a  little  village  on  the 
Edisto  Biver,  about  thirty  miles  south  of  Charles- 
ton, and  twenty  from  the  coast),  as  a  sort  of  mani- 
festo of  renewed  possession  of  the  low  country. 
But,  in  truth,  the  danger  was  great :  the  country 
was  intersected  by  navigable  streams,  the  village 
was  within  easy  reach  of  the  British  galleys,  and 
Greene  kept  vigilant  watch  on  the  approaches. 
John  Kutledge,  writing  on  the  29th  of  January, 
says :  "  The  assembly  has  been  sitting  every  day 
since  the  18th,  and  has  received  no  interruption 
from  the  enemy.  I  hope  they  will  give  us  none. 
Indeed  I  don't  think  they  will  attempt  any." 
An  opinion  based  somewhat  on  Kutledge's  indom- 
itably hopeful  disposition,  and  also  on  the  know- 
ledge that  the  nearest  British  outpost  had  been 
captured  some  nights  before.  The  assembly  did 
its  work,  discussed  among  other  things  the  subject 
which  was  to  be  a  burning  one  for  many  a  day,  the 
punishment  to  be  meted  out  to  Tories  and  evil- 
wishers,  and  adjourned  in  peace. 

By  the  time  that  the  little  William  Lowndes  was 
ten  months  old  (December,  1782),  the  British  finally 
departed,  leaving  the  State,  as  it  was  now  to  be 
called,  to  bind  up  her  wounds,  count  her  losses,  and 
set  about  repairing  them.     The  losses  were  indeed 


BIRTH   AND   PARENTAGE  9 

heavy,  especially  to  the  planters  along  the  coast, 
whose  slaves  had  been  carried  off  by  hundreds,  gen- 
erally to  be  sold  in  the  West  Indies,  and  whose 
houses  and  barns  had  been  burned.  But  it  was 
not  only  the  coast  that  had  suffered  ;  every  region 
of  Carolina  had  borne  its  part.  In  the  letters  to 
the  delegates  to  Congress  already  quoted,  Governor 
Rutledge  writes,  wherever  he  goes,  of  the  trials  of 
the  people.  From  the  very  northern  portion,  near 
the  border  of  North  Carolina,  he  says :  — 

"  It  was  really  melancholy  to  see  the  desolate 
condition  of  poor  Hill's  plantation  and  the  situation 
of  his  family ;  all  his  fine  ironworks,  mills,  dwell- 
ing-house and  buildings  of  every  kind,  even  his 
negro  houses,  reduced  to  ashes,  and  his  wife  and 
children  in  a  little  log  hut.  ...  I  was  shocked  to 
see  the  ragged,  shabby  condition  of  the  brave  and 
virtuous  men  who  would  not  remain  in  the  power  of 
the  enemy,  but  have  taken  to  arms.  This,  however, 
is  but  a  faint  description  of  the  suffering  of  our 
unfortunate  country,  for  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  that 
the  enemy  have  hanged  many  of  our  people,  who 
from  fear  and  the  impracticability  of  removing  had 
given  parole,  and  from  attachment  to  our  side  had 
joined  it ;  .  .  .  they  have  burned  a  prodigious  num- 
ber of  houses,  and  turned  a  vast  many  women,  for- 
merly of  affluent  or  easy  fortune,  with  their  chil- 
dren, almost  naked  into  the  woods.  .  .  .  Tarleton 
at  General  Richardson's  widow's  "  [this  is  in  what 
is  now  Clarendon  County,  the  centre  of  the  State] 
"  exceeded  his  usual  barbarity,  for  having  dined  in 
her  house,  he  not  only  burned  it,  after  plundering 
everything  that  it  contained,  but  having  drove  into 
the  barns  a  number  of  cattle,  hogs,  and  poultry,  he 
consumed  them,  together  with  the  barn  and  the 
corn,  in  one  general  blaze.  .  .  .  Lord  Cornwallis 
is  going  on  burning  and  hanging  ;  Captain  Conyers 


10  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

assured  me  yesterday  that  two  hundred  houses  had 
been  burnt.  ...  It  is  said  (and  I  believe  it)  that 
of  the  prisoners  whom  Brown  took  at  Augusta 
(Georgia)  he  gave  up  four  to  the  Indians,  who 
killed  'em  and  kicked  their  bodies  about  the  streets  ; 
and  that  he  (Brown)  hung  upwards  of  30  prison- 
ers." This  was  in  the  extreme  west  of  the  State, 
and  in  Georgia.  In  the  same  letter  comes :  "  Davis 
says  Tarleton  is  in  quest  of  Marion,  and  doing  much 
mischief  in  burning  houses  on  Santee "  [which  is 
in  the  southeast  portion  of  the  country].  There, 
too,  were  felt  the  cruelties  of  Major  Wemys ;  who, 
when  captured  by  Sumter,  had  in  his  pocket  such 
a  damnatory  list  of  houses  burnt  along  the  Pedee 
and  in  Williamsburg  County  that  he  was  forced  to 
throw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of  his  captor,  and 
implore  his  protection  against  the  vengeance  of  the 
infuriated  militia ;  while  the  atrocities  perpetrated 
in  the  middle  and  upper  country  by  Cunningham, 
"  the  Bloody  Scout,"  probably  surpass  any  ever 
committed  by  a  white  man  on  this  continent. 

With  these  things  fresh  in  their  memories  it  was 
not  strange  that  the  cry  should  be  for  retribution  ; 
but  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  revenge  alone 
filled  the  hearts  of  the  victors.  Justice,  it  seemed 
to  them,  was  on  their  side,  and  demanded  that  their 
losses  should  be  repaired.  They  were  poor  and 
ragged,  homeless  and  hungry,  the  army  which  had 
fought  so  gallantly  was  unpaid,  and  despairing  of 
ever  being  paid,  —  there  was  literally  no  money,  and 
no  present  way  of  raising  any ;  while  the  Tories, 
active  or  passive,  were  comparatively  rich. 

The  assembly,  accordingly,  passed  acts  of  confis- 
cation, banishment,  amercing,  etc.  [not,  it  may  be 
feared,  without  laying  itself  open  to  charges  of  in- 
justice and  partiality]  ;  and  besides  these  acts, 
affecting  property  alone,  wild  justice  was  sometimes 


BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE  11 

done  to  those  ruffians  who  had  incurred  personal 
enmity  by  their  barbarities. 

Yet,  on  the  whole,  considering  the  provocation, 
the  acts  of  violence  were  surprisingly  few,  owing 
chiefly,  it  is  said,  to  the  great  and  wholesome  influ- 
ence of  Marion,  who,  fiercest  in  the  fight,  was  most 
forgiving  when  the  fight  was  done.  Even  the  fines 
were  less  numerous  and  less  heavy  than  might  have 
been  expected.  For  a  time,  indeed,  it  was  hard  to 
interfere  in  behalf  of  the  sufferers  without  being 
accused  of  being  a  "  dumb  Tory  "  or  a  "  British  sym- 
pathizer," but  gradually  the  feeling  arose  that  the 
country  could  only  be  a  country  by  the  free  assent 
and  well-being  of  all,  and  that  to  keep  a  class  of 
suffering  and  proscribed  people  among  them  would 
be  a  horrible  element  in  the  body  politic.  The 
party  of  mercy  finally  prevailed,  the  greater  part  of 
the  exiles  were  permitted  to  return,  their  fines  were 
lessened,  and  half  a  million  pounds  sterling,  actu- 
ally in  the  possession  of  the  State,  was  returned  to 
them. 

What  precise  part  Mr.  Lowndes  took  in  all  this 
controversy  there  is  no  way  of  telling.  Probably, 
as  he  had  opposed  confiscation  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  he  opposed  it  still,  but  it  is  not  recorded. 
Mr.  Bancroft  indeed  has  said  that  after  the  fall  of 
Charles  Town  he  had  himself  taken  British  protec- 
tion, but  Mr.  Bancroft  has  nowhere  given  his  au- 
thority for  the  statement,  and  the  most  diligent 
search  fails  to  discover  it.  It  can  only  be  supposed 
that  he  has  in  this  been  confounded  with  his  brother 
Charles,  who  did  so  shelter  himself.  His  name  is 
on  no  list  of  fine  or  confiscation,  and  he  was  at  once 
called  to  the  public  service.  From  fragments  of 
his  correspondence  (only  fragments  remain)  it  is 
clear  that  he  strongly  upheld  the  principles  of  busi- 
ness integrity,  in  the  vexed  question  of  the  pay- 


12  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

merit  of  debts  due  to  "  the  other  side,"  and  that  he 
exerted  himself  to  secure  those  due  to  his  personal 
friends.  There  are  several  letters  thanking  him 
for  his  kindness  in  this  respect.  The  following 
from  Mr.  Robert  Williams  (of  whom  I  know  no- 
thing but  that  he  was  one  of  the  first  pewholders 
of  St.  Michael's  Church)  is  interesting,  as  showing 
the  feeling  in  England  over  "  the  long  invocated 
peace." 

London,  April  12th,  1783. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  wrote  to  you  on  the  12th  of  Feby. 
via  Bermuda,  expressing  the  earnest  desire  to  be 
informed  of  the  disposition  of  my  countrymen  to- 
wards me  now  they  have  attained  the  object  of  their 
wishes,  and  requesting  you  would  communicate  to 
me  the  proceedings  of  your  Legislature  from  time 
to  time,  respecting  persons  in  my  situation,  that  I 
may  be  enabled  to  adopt  some  plan  for  reuniting 
myself  to  my  family,  from  whom  I  have  not  heard 
since  our  separation,  which  is  no  small  addition  to 
my  distresses.  This  Nation  is  reduced  by  contend- 
ing factions  to  such  a  state  of  anarchy,  that  until 
these  few  days  we  have  had  no  Ministry  since  the 
dismission  of  those  who  made  the  Peace  with  which 
all  Ranks  of  People  are  extremely  dissatisfied  ;  how- 
ever the  public  Faith  being  pledged,  it  is  imagined, 
the  definitive  Treaty,  as  well  as  that  relative  to  Com- 
merce, will  be  immediately  resumed  and  brought 
to  a  close  ;  so  that  by  a  restoration  of  the  blessings 
of  Tranquillity,  I  am  hopeful  my  fellow-Citizens 
will  be  guided  by  those  principles  of  Justice  and 
Equity  for  which  they  formerly  were  conspicuous. 
My  Solicitude  and  your  Sensibility  will  apologize 
for  my  writing  to  you  again  on  this  subject,  etc.,  etc. 

I  am  with  the  sincerest  regret,  Dear  Sir, 
Your  Most  Obdt.  humb.  Serv. 

Robert  Williams. 

The  Honorable  Rawlins  Lowndes  Esqr. 


BIRTH   AND   PARENTAGE  13 

South  Carolina  had  been  remarkably  fortunate 
in  her  clergy.  Sent  out  by  the  Society  for  the  Pro- 
pagation of  the  Gospel,  they  appear  to  have  been 
selected  with  care,  and  were,  with  few  exceptions, 
men  of  character  and  merit.  Some,  such  as  Com- 
missary Garden  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Clarke,  were 
far  above  the  average,  and  it  was  undoubtedly  due 
to  this  cause  that  the  attachment  to  the  Established 
Church  was  so  strong  as  to  outlive  the  establish- 
ment, and  keep  so  many  of  the  congregations  in 
the  ancient  ways. 

It  was  perhaps  even  more  remarkable  (consider- 
ing that  almost  all  of  them  were  Englishmen  born) 
that  the  great  majority  of  the  clergy  should  have 
taken  the  side  of  the  colonists  and  cast  in  their  lot 
with  the  new  State.  "  Out  of  twenty,"  says  Dalcho, 
"  only  five  adhered  to  Great  Britain  and  left  the 
country."  Of  these  five,  however,  two  were  men 
of  importance,  the  rector  and  assistant  rector  of 
St.  Michael's.  The  assistant,  Mr.  Bullman,  had 
not  been  very  long  out  from  England,  when  quite 
in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  he  preached  a  ve- 
hement political  sermon,  proclaiming  the  supremacy 
of  the  government,  and  warning  "  silly  Clowns  and 
illiterate  mechanics  not  to  censure  the  conduct  of 
Princes  and  Governors."  This  was  in  1774,  when 
things  were  becoming  stormy,  and  it  was  no  great 
wonder  that  Mr.  Bullman  was  desired  "  no  longer 
to  officiate  at  St.  Michael's  Church." 

The  case  of  the  Rev.  Robert  Cooper  was  a  more 
serious  matter.  He  had  been  in  the  colony  for  a 
long  time  and  had  married  there,  officiating  first  as 
assistant  minister  of  St.  Philip's.  When  the  pre- 
sent St.  Michaels  was  built  in  1759,  the  congregation 
desired  to  have  a  new  clergyman  sent  over  from 
London.  They  would  like  one,  they  said,  "mid- 
dle-aged and  of  a  grave  deportment,  and  with  a 


14  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

good  audible  voice,"  very  judicious  and  reasonable 
requirements  surely,  and,  one  would  suppose,  easy 
to  find  when  a  comfortable  house  and  a  salary  of 
.£112  sterling  were  offered  withal.  No  clergyman 
came,  however,  and  after  some  delay  the  congrega- 
tion "  called  "  Mr.  Cooper  from  St.  Philip's. 

From  this  time  (1701)  he  officiated  regularly, 
and  seems  to  have  been  much  liked,  so  the  distress 
must  have  been  great  when  early  in  the  morning  of 
June  30,  1770,  almost  before  the  guns  of  Fort 
Moultrie  were  hushed,  the  vestry  of  St.  Michael's 
was  hurriedly  convened  because  its  rector  had  re- 
fused to  take  the  oaths  to  defend  the  Constitution 
of  South  Carolina  established  in  the  March  pre- 
vious. The  vestry  promptly  ordered  that  there 
should  be  no  divine  service  that  day,  nor  until 
they  had  time  to  inquire  into  it ;  whereupon  Mr. 
Cooper  declared  that  he  considered  himself  dis- 
missed, and  left  the  country.  Doubtless  he  thought 
of  himself  as  of  a  non-juror  of  Charles's  or  James's 
time,  and  comforted  himself  with  the  great  compan- 
ionship of  Sancroft  and  Sacheverell.  His  martyr- 
dom was  neither  long  nor  painful,  for  when  he 
reached  England  he  was  given  a  pension  of  <£100 
as  a  loyalist,  and  various  preferments,  becoming 
eventually  rector  of  St.  Michael's,  Cornhill. 

The  friendship  between  this  gentleman  and  Mr. 
Lowndes,  who  was  at  one  time  one  of  his  vestry, 
appears  to  have  been  close,  and  it  is  another  in- 
stance of  the  singular  regard  for  the  freedom  of 
private  opinion,  which  was  one  of  the  strongest 
traits  of  Mr.  Lowndes's  character,  that  even  such 
difference  as  this  did  not  destroy  it.  When  his  son 
William  was  born,  five  years  after,  he  made  Mr. 
Cooper  (in  England)  his  godfather,  and  there  are 
several  letters  of  thanks  from  the  latter,  such  as  — 

"  I    have  only  to    repeat  my  bare    but   sincere 


BIRTH   AND   PARENTAGE  15 

Thankfulness  to  you  for  the  Continuance  of  your 
never-to-be-forgotten  services ;  and  ever  shall  ap- 
prove of  and  admire,  the  well  timed  and  satisfactory 
Compromise,  accomplished  Sir,  by  your  kind  Exer- 
tions ;  but  must  refer  you  for  the  just  Reward  of 
Goodness  so  generous  and  so  diffusive,  to  the  De- 
light and  Joy  of  your  own  Heart." 

Of  all  the  valuable  citizens  lost  to  Carolina  in 
these  years,  none  seem  to  have  been  as  gently  con- 
sidered and  much  regretted  as  Dr.  Garden.  He 
was  by  birth  a  Scotchman,  but  had  lived  for  over 
thirty  years  in  Charleston,  practicing  medicine  and 
studying  the  sciences  —  more  especially  botany. 
"  He  never,"  says  Ramsay,  u  complained  that  the 
climate  was  too  hot  for  study ;  "  and  when  one  re- 
members the  woods  and  swamps,  in  which  his  speci- 
mens must  have  been  sought,  the  simple  statement 
becomes  expressive.  His  botanical  learning  gained 
him  the  coveted  F.  R.  S.,  and  also  the  friendship 
of  Linnaeus,  who  has  embalmed  his  name  in  the 
beautiful  flower,  Gardenia. 

He  was  also  a  great  favorite  socially,  and  his 
skill  as  a  physician  was  highly  esteemed.  The 
letters  of  the  time  are  full  of  allusions  to  him ; 
"  Our  good  Dr.  Garden  says  "  —  "  The  good  Doctor 
and  Mrs.  Garden  beg  to  be  remembered  to  you  "  — 
"  Doctor  Garden  is  as  ever  most  kind  and  consid- 
erate." 

Still,  he  too,  like  Dr.  Cooper,  was  British  born, 
and  some  natural  anxiety  must  have  been  felt  as  to 
what  part  he  would  take  if  the  crisis  should  really 
come.  In  May,  1775,  Henry  Laurens  writes  to  his 
son  John,  then  studying  law  in  London  :  — 

"  Dr.  Garden  has  changed  his  mind  and  does  not 
accompany  your  uncle  to  London.  You  will  be 
surprised  when  you  come  to  know  that  he  has  de- 
clared his  readiness  to  associate  with  the  injured 


10  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

inhabitants  of  this  Continent  in  every  article  of  op- 
position to  the  arbitrary  power  of  Parliament ;  he 
excepts  only  to  the  actual  bearing  of  arms  against 
the  king,  in  which  he  is  not  single,  we  all  agree 
with  him,  —  we  will  not  bear  arms  against  the 
king." 

Events  were  to  carry  both  the  Lanrenses  faster 
and  farther  than  they  knew.  The  father  was  very 
soon  to  be  the  President  of  the  Congress  defying 
the  king,  and  the  son  to  lose  his  life  fighting 
against  him.  Dr.  Garden,  as  befitted  his  birth,  was 
more  consistent.  He  remained  in  Charleston  after 
the  surrender,  and  probably  declared  himself  a 
British  subject,  for  he  went  to  Europe  at  the  time 
of  the  evacuation,  as  many  loyalists  did.  The 
general  feeling  towards  him  seems  to  have  been 
friendly,  but  still  he  came  under  the  head  of  those 
who  had  abandoned  the  country,  and  his  property 
was  confiscated,  more  especially  a  house  which  had 
belonged  to  Mrs.  Garden. 

Very  soon  after  the  close  of  hostilities  Mrs. 
Pinckney  wrote  to  say  that,  "  as  soon  as  her  son 
(Colonel  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney)  returns 
to  Carolina,  he  will  make  every  effort  for  the  re- 
covery of  Mrs.  Garden's  house."  The  house  had 
been  declared  "  public  property,"  and  as  such  had 
been  occupied  by  the  then  governor  —  Governor 
Mathews. 

Mr.  Lowndes  and  other  gentlemen  exerted  them- 
selves in  the  matter,  and,  not  without  great  trouble, 
got  the  house  returned. 

Governor  Mathews  moved  out  and  paid  the  rent 
for  the  time  during  which  he  had  occupied  it.  Un- 
happily the  gentleman  to  whom  this  money  was 
paid,  instead  of  remitting  it  instantly,  borroiccd  it 
(apparently  with  no  ill  intent),  and  then  seems  to 
have  persuaded  himself  that  it  was  quite  unreason- 


BIRTH   AND   PARENTAGE  17 

able  to  expect  him  to  return  it  at  all,  —  at  least  he 
took  certainly  fifteen  years  about  it !  Two  notes 
from  Mr.  Lowndes  are  given  as  specimens  of  his 
letters  —  of  which  so  few  remain  :  — 

Dear  Sir,  —  Another  request  from  Mrs.  Gar- 
den puts  me  to  the  necessity  of  again  troubling  you 
for  payment  of  the  amount  of  the  money  which  you 
received  for  the  rent  of  her  House. 

The  nature  of  this  debt,  Sir,  calls  loudly  not  only 
on  your  justice,  but  on  your  Honour,  for  Satisfac- 
tion. It  is  for  money  actually  received  by  you  in 
Trust  and  Confidence  for  a  Friend. 

These  applications,  especially  a  repetition  of  them, 
are  exceedingly  disagreeable  to  me,  but  Mrs.  Gar- 
den's solicitations  I  cannot  resist,  and  I  hope  they 
will  have  influence  also  on  your  reflections. 
I  am  with  regard,  dear  Sir 

Your  obdt  Humble  Servt, 

Rawlins  Lowndes. 

Broad  St.,  26th  June,  1790. 

This  note,  written  in  a  beautiful  hand,  is  copied 
on  the  back  of  the  letter  answering  it ;  a  long  ac- 
count of  bad  crops,  broken  rice  banks,  and  low 
prices,  which  goes  to  the  heart  of  a  planter,  but 
protests  too  much,  and  is  rather  shuffling  withal. 

In  the  very  year  before  his  death  the  old  man 
writes  again  :  — 

Sir,  —  Mrs.  Garden,  in  a  letter  just  received  by 
my  son  Thomas,  requests  of  him  to  solicit  you  for 
payment  of  the  money  you  owe  her  for  the  House 
Rent,  rec'd  by  you  on  her  account  from  Gov'r 
Mathews  many  years  ago.  She  desired  that  if  you 
cannot  pay  the  whole  you  will  immediately  pay  the 
one  half,  as  she  is  compelled  by  law  in  England  to 


18  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

account  for  what  income  she  is  entitled  to  receive 
from  America.  I  shall  make  no  observations  Sir 
on  this  Transaction,  but  take  the  Liberty  to  tran- 
scribe an  Extract  from  your  letter  to  me  dated  29th 
of  June  1790  (9  years  ago)  relating  to  this  matter, 
the  promises  in  which  you  have  over  and  over  re- 
iterated since  (and  I  hope  have  not  escaped  your 
recollection)  which  have  as  often  prevented  me  re- 
sorting to  coercive  Measures.     I  am  Sir,  etc.,  etc. 

Whether  poor  Mrs.  Garden  ever  received  her 
money  we  have  no  way  of  knowing.  Dr.  Garden 
certainly  never  did,  for  he  died  in  London  in  the 
year  1792. 


CHAPTER  II 

TEAKS   OF  RESTORATION 
1783-1788 

These  were  but  inconsiderable  things  in  com- 
parison with  what  the  men  of  that  time  had  to  do, 
and  it  is  astonishing  to  know  how  quickly  and 
wisely  they  set  about  their  work. 

With  no  loss  of  time,  with  the  echoes  of  the  war 
still  in  their  ears,  and  hatred  and  revenge  still  dis- 
turbing the  peace,  the  legislature  and  the  people 
of  Charles  Town  (and  Charles  Town  was  in  a  very 
special  manner  the  mainspring  of  the  State)  set 
themselves  to  build  up  their  country.  Their  com- 
merce was  destroyed,  their  agriculture  was  re- 
duced to  the  planting  of  provisions  ;  there  was  ab- 
solutely no  money,  and  they  had  to  furnish  it,  or 
what  would  pass  for  it,  to  prevent  great  suffering. 
They  tried  to  start  a  bank  in  the  very  first  year,  — 
1783,  —  but  failed.  Then  the  legislature  issued  bills 
of  credit  to  a  limited  amount  (£100,000),  which  it 
called  "  paper  medium,"  and  lent  these  bills  on  mort- 
gages. The  merchants,  with  great  public  spirit, 
came  forward  in  a  body  and  agreed  to  take  these 
paper  bills  at  par.  They  might  well  have  expected 
them  to  turn  to  dead  leaves  on  their  hands  (there 
had  been  such  sad  experiences  before),  but  so  far 
from  it,  all  parties  behaved  with  good  faith,  the 
depreciation  was  very  slight,  and  the  interest  hon- 
estly paid  was  clear  gain  to  the  State. 


20  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Not  only  were  tradesmen  and  craftsmen  thus  en- 
abled to  make  a  fresh  start  in  life,  but  the  planters, 
borrowing  money  upon  their  lands,  could  get  to 
work  once  more,  and  restore  the  agriculture  upon 
which  the  State  depended.  Charles  Town  itself  put 
on  a  new  fashion,  and  the  legislature,  "  taking  into 
consideration  the  situation  and  circumstances  of 
Charles  Town,  as  it  had  then  become  a  great  place 
of  trade,  with  a  full  population  and  a  growing  and 
vastly  increasing  commerce,"  decided,  in  August, 
1783,  to  incorporate  it  "  into  a  body  politic  by  the 
name  of  the  '  City  of  Charleston,'  "  —  with  intend- 
ants  and  wardens  accordingly.  The  name  was 
changed,  but  the  old  fashion  of  speech  remains,  and 
in  the  low  country  of  Carolina  to  this  day  "  going 
to  town  "  is  going  to  Charleston. 

It  is  impossible  to  help  suspecting  that  this  ac- 
count of  the  place  at  that  time  was  somewhat  pro- 
spective. Eight  months  had  not  passed  since  the 
liberated  town  had  been  described  as  "  prostrate," 
and  a  hopeful  and  helpful  spirit  must  have  dictated 
the  above. 

In  the  new  little  city  everything  was  astir.  New 
societies  were  formed  and  old  ones  revived,  —  wisely, 
for  the  touch  of  the  shoulder  helps  to  action.  The 
chamber  of  commerce  and  the  agricultural  so- 
ciety arose  in  those  years,  the  latter  established  by 
a  lottery,  as  Faneuil  Hall  had  been  built,  not  so 
many  years  before !  The  agricultural  society  of- 
fered prizes  for  improvements  in  agriculture  and 
machinery,  and  concerned  itself   with    everything 

Sertaining  to  the  plantation.  Under  its  influence 
lichaux,  the  French  botanist,  established  himself 
and  his  botanic  garden  in  Charleston  in  the  year 
1786,  and  stocked  it  with  "  curious  exotics  as  well 
as  American  species." 

After  a  time,  and  especially  after  the  war  debt 


YEARS   OF  RESTORATION  21 

due  to  the  State  had  been  paid  (it  amounted  to  the 
unexpectedly  large  sum  of  nearly  a  million  and  a 
half  of  dollars),  three  banks  were  founded,  so  that 
within  eight  years  of  the  departure  of  the  English 
the  city  might  be  said  to  be  fairly  equipped  for  com- 
mercial enterprise. 

All  other  interests  in  the  State  were  as  nothing 
compared  with  its  agriculture.  This  had  been  kept 
alive  astonishingly  during  the  war  by  the  women 
and  their  faithful  people,  but  now  there  came  grad- 
ual changes,  which  were  to  give  it  immense  devel- 
opment. In  one  particular,  indeed,  it  declined. 
Indigo,  which  had  for  more  than  forty  years  been 
the  chief  highland  crop  of  the  province  (amount- 
ing in  1775  to  over  one  million,  one  hundred  and 
seven  thousand  pounds,  worth  $1.50  a  pound),  now 
had  to  contend  in  the  market  with  the  cheaper  pro- 
duct of  the  East  Indies,  and  was  deprived  of  the 
"  British  bounty,"  which  had  done  much  to  foster 
its  cultivation.  Moreover,  the  Georgians  were 
planting  cotton,  which  grew  in  the  same  kind  of 
land  as  indigo,  was  much  more  easily  made,  and 
was  not  so  exhausting  to  the  soil.  Slowly  the  old 
industry  gave  place  to  the  new,  and  by  1795  Caro- 
lina also  was  a  cotton-growing  State. 

Rice,  however,  was  the  chief  staple  of  the  low 
country,  and  with  rice  Mr.  Lowndes  was  chiefly 
concerned.  He  had  lands  on  the  Combahee,  the 
Ashepoo,  and  the  Santee,  and  his  fortune  was 
largely  derived  from  them.  Up  to  this  time  rice 
had  been  planted  only  in  inland  swamps,  that  is, 
low  places  formed  by  the  sluggish  streams  of  the 
low  country,  and  watered  by  embanked  ponds 
called  reserves.  The  spots  convenient  for  this  cul- 
ture were  limited  ;  therefore  the  supply  was  limited 
also,  although  fair  fortunes  had  been  made  by  it, 
and  in  1770  the  export  had  amounted  to  over  a  mil- 
lion and  a  half  of  dollars. 


22  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

By  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  however,  the  idea 
had  got  abroad  that  the  great  body  of  absolutely 
level  swamp  land  bordering  the  great  rivers,  and 
the  deltas  lying  between  their  mouths,  might  be 
cultivated  by  the  tides,  and  that  the  water  might 
be  made  to  do  the  work  of  the  hoe.  Ramsay  says 
that  a  Mr.  Gideon  Dupont  first  suggested  this,  but 
it  has  been  ascertained  that  the  scheme  had  al- 
ready to  some  small  extent  been  tried.  At  all 
events,  about  that  time  when  the  State  most  needed 
help  this  new  plan  came.  The  planters  set  to  work, 
and  the  work  was  enormous. 

Miles  upon  miles  of  splendid  cypress  forests, 
melancholy  and  majestic,  but  terribly  hard  to  fell, 
covered  the  ground ;  the  ground  was  half  land 
and  half  water,  "  the  haunt  of  coot  and  hern,"  dear 
to  the  heart  of  the  sportsman,  but  icy  cold  in  win- 
ter and  pestilential  in  summer.  The  forests  were 
felled  and  the  land  was  embanked  and  drained. 
The  mighty  rivers  had  to  be  kept  out,  and  the  em- 
bankments must  be  continuous,  for  a  break  on  one 
man's  land  would  drown  his  neighbor  as  well  as 
himself.  A  whole  system  of  banks  and  drains, 
cross-drains  and  quarter-drains,  was  devised  ;  canals 
were  dug,  flood-gates  and  trunks  (a  trunk  is  a  small 
flood-gate)  made  and  put  down.  If  the  work  were 
badly  done,  and  the  least  leak  occurred,  the  trunk 
"  blew  out,"  and  all  had  to  be  done  over  again.  It 
was  a  struggle  of  man's  body  and  brain  against 
the  powers  of  nature,  and  sometimes  nature  would 
arise  in  her  strength,  and  in  a  few  hours  of  rush- 
ing flood  or  sweeping  hurricane  would  destroy  the 
fetters  which  man  had  put  upon  her.  They  were 
destroyed  for  the  time,  but  always  replaced.  Of 
course  it  was  years  before  the  splendid  culture  was 
reached  which  we  remember  prior  to  1860  ;  when 
the  fields  with  their  cross-banks  looked  like  gigan- 


YEARS  OF  RESTORATION  23 

tic  checker  boards,  and  stretched  from  the  river 
mouths  to  the  head  of  tidewater :  but  the  profits 
began  early,  and  when  a  clever  young  machinist, 
Mr.  Jonathan  Lucas,  came  out  from  England  with 
an  invention  for  threshing  and  pounding  (or  sep- 
arating the  husk  from)  the  rice,  which  had  hitherto 
been  done  by  the  old  flail  and  the  hand  mortar,  the 
battle  was  won.  The  work  became  comparatively 
light  and  easily  accomplished,  the  returns  were 
great,  and  the  planters  reaped  the  reward  of  their 
care  and  labor. 

When  General  Washington  visited  the  State  in 
1791,  he  crossed  in  his  journey  all  the  large  rice 
rivers  from  the  Waccamaw  to  the  Savannah,  and 
he  expressed  to  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney,  then  gov- 
ernor, his  admiration  of  what  he  saw.  "  He  had 
no  idea  that  the  United  States  possessed  such  agri- 
cultural improvement  as  the  tide-lands  showed." 

I  have  advanced  the  story  to  show  at  once  what 
gave  the  State  its  great  impulse.  The  first  mill  was 
built  in  1787,  and  those  put  up  later  were  improve- 
ments, but  wealth  and  comfort  came  early  and  con- 
tinued for  seventy  years.  How  early  it  came  the 
carefully  kept  account  books  show.  From  a  heap 
of  old  bills  is  learned  that  in  1786  one  lady  orders 
from  London  "  that  article  of  luxury,  a  Coach," 
price  £320  ;  and  sends  a  hundred  tierces  of  rice  to 
pay  for  it.  A  gentleman  buys  a  pair  of  horses 
from  New  York  for  <£53,  and  a  "  pair  of  brown 
geldings,"  which  Mr.  Lowndes  imported  from  Eng- 
land, cost,  delivered  in  Charleston,  X200.  There 
are  smaller  things  mentioned,  too,  dresses,  liveries, 
"  sett  of  Mad-de-Genlis,"  etc.,  all  showing  easy, 
comfortable  fortunes. 

While  South  Carolina  was  thus  reclaiming  her 
swamps  and  clearing  her  uplands,  her  sister  States 
were   not   all   as   much  at  ease,  and  the  general 


24  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

government,  the  much  harassed  Congress,  was 
having  a  troubled  and  undignified  existence. 

The  letters  of  Adams  and  Jefferson  show  how 
painful  was  the  position  of  the  Ministers  abroad. 
They  were  sneered  at,  and  asked  whom  or  what 
they  represented,  were  twitted  with  the  powerless- 
ih'ss  of  Congress  to  enforce  certain  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  (with  which  the  rights  of  the  States 
conflicted),  and  were  frightfully  snubbed  when  they 
tried  to  borrow  money,  and  told  that  their  credit 
was  not  good. 

At  home  vexed  questions  of  boundaries  arose, 
and  the  settlers  from  Connecticut  in  the  valley  of 
Wyoming  had  very  nearly  endured  another  mas- 
sacre "  on  Susquehannah's  side,"  not  at  the  hands 
of  Indians,  but  of  the  Pennsylvanians,  who  claimed, 
and  gained,  possession  of  the  district. 

New  York  and  New  Hampshire  were  at  daggers 
drawn  about  the  Green  Mountain  region,  and  people 
got  accustomed  to  seeing  the  militias  of  the  differ- 
ent States  arrayed  against  each  other.  In  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  confused  emeute  known  as  the 
"  Shays's  Rebellion,"  caused  by  "  rag  "  (or  paper) 
"  money,"  there  was  actual  fighting,  and  when  the 
ringleaders  were  taken  and  tried,  it  was  only 
"  executive  clemency  "  that  saved  them  from  the 
gallows. 

Then  there  were  many  troubles  about  trade  and 
navigation  acts.  New  England,  the  chief  ship- 
owner, not  unnaturally  expected  that  her  vessels 
should  be  privileged,  and  would  have  sacrificed  all 
other  commerce  to  serve  her  own  ;  and  New  York, 
quite  alive  to  her  geographical  advantages,  taxed 
everything  and  everybody  impartially  to  bring  coin 
to  her  coffers.  There  was  endless  confusion  over 
discriminating  duties,  and  differing  customs. 

The  great  States,  whose  boundaries  reached  out 


YEARS   OF  RESTORATION  25 

to  the  Mississippi,  were  furious  when  they  found 
that  New  England  (advised  by  John  Jay)  wished 
to  yield  the  free  navigation  of  the  great  river  as 
the  price  of  a  commercial  treaty  with  Spain  (who 
behaved  with  audacity  and  insolence  curious  to 
read  of  now)  ;  and  the  smaller  States  looked  with 
envy  upon  the  almost  boundless  claims  of  New 
York  and  the  Old  Dominion.  The  far  Southern 
States  were  happier.  Georgia  was  planting  cotton, 
and  improving  rapidly,  and  neither  she  nor  South 
Carolina  had  any  ships  to  quarrel  over.  They 
furnished  cargoes  and  collected  duties  with  equal 
satisfaction  from  Old  or  New  Englanders.  In  South 
Carolina  there  was  some  trouble,  which  did  not  go 
very  far,  over  paper  money,  but  bounded  as  she 
was  by  powerful  neighbors,  she  knew  that  there 
was  no  hope  for  her  of  territorial  expansion.  It 
did  not  trouble  her  much,  for  she  also  knew  that 
in  her  soil  and  climate  there  lay  possibilities  of 
wealth  which  would  occupy  and  suffice  her  people 
for  generations  to  come ;  provided,  that  she  could 
get  slave  labor  in  abundance.  This  labor  might 
be  cut  off  ;  this  was  the  cloud,  as  yet  a  very  small 
one,  on  her  horizon.  This  was  not  a  pleasant 
condition  of  things  for  States  supposed  to  live 
under  a  "  league  of  friendship,"  as  the  Articles  of 
Confederation  were  called.  New  England  threat- 
ened secession  on  the  one  hand,  and  Kentucky  on 
the  other,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  kingdoms  of 
Europe  were  to  be  gratified  by  the  falling  to  pieces 
of  the  young  Republic. 

Things  had  come  to  such  a  pass  that  there  were 
but  few  dissentient  voices  when,  Virginia,  as  be- 
came her,  taking  the  lead,  circulars  were  sent  to 
all  the  different  States,  requesting  them  to  send 
commissioners  to  meet  and  discuss  matters  concern- 
ing the  public  weal.     Then  met   that  convention 


26  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

which  framed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
pronounced  by  the  highest  authorities  to  be  the 
most  wonderful  work  ever  wrought  by  man's  brain, 
but  which  was  adopted  by  the  States  with  great 
hesitation  and  small  majorities.  In  Virginia, 
Massachusetts,  and  South  Carolina  the  opposition 
was  decided,  but  in  Carolina  the  fight  was  fought 
not  so  much  in  the  convention  of  ratification  it- 
self as  in  the  state  legislature  which  met  the 
preceding  January. 

The  great  peculiarity  of  this  debate  was  that  it 
was  fought  by  one  man  against  ten  or  more,  and 
those  ten  the  ablest  men  in  the  State.  The  attitude 
of  Mr.  Lowndes  in  this  great  controversy  is  like 
nothing  so  much  as  that  of  the  boy  who,  setting  his 
back  to  a  tree,  dares  the  whole  school  to  come  on. 
Of  course  the  boy  loses  the  fight,  we  know  before- 
hand that  it  must  be  so,  but  he  hopes,  trusting  to 
his  strong  right  arm,  and  we  praise  his  pluck  and 
prowess.  The  whole  story  is  told  in  "  Elliot's 
Debates,"  and  I  do  not  know  more  interesting 
reading. 

The  legislature  listened  to  the  reading  of  the 
"proposed  Federal  Constitution,"  and  then  went 
into  committee  of  the  whole  to  discuss  it.  It  was 
apparent  from  the  very  first  that,  while  the  dele- 
gates from  the  coast  parishes  would  almost  unani- 
mously favor  the  new  plan,  the  sturdy  farmers  of 
the  middle  and  up-country,  representing,  as  one  of 
them  said,  "  a  people,  brave,  honest,  and  virtuous, 
caring  for  nothing  so  much  as  their  liberties," 
would  oppose  it  with  almost  equal  unanimity. 

They  cared  little  for  commercial  relations,  and 
still  less  for  diplomatic  ;  but  they  knew  that  they 
had  fought  and  suffered  for  seven  years  to  shake 
off  the  authority  of  the  king,  and  they  had  no 
mind   to   construct   for   themselves  a  government 


YEARS  OF   RESTORATION  27 

which  should  be  as  powerful  as  any  king.  These 
men  looked,  in  peace  as  in  war,  to  the  gallant 
Sumter  as  their  chief ;  he  was  present  in  the  legis- 
lature but  did  not  speak.  They  found  a  spokesman 
in  Rawlins  Lowndes. 

The  debate  was  opened  by  speeches  from  Charles 
Pinckney  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 
cousins,  and  both  members  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention ;  the  former  said  to  have  been  the 
youngest  man  there.  They  explained  and  advo- 
cated their  work.  Then  Mr.  Lowndes  rose  and 
spoke. 

His  whole  argument  was  based  upon  the  convic- 
tion that  in  politics  as  elsewhere  interest  would 
guide,  and  the  strongest  would  prevail.  He  did  not 
think  the  rights  of  minorities  sufficiently  guarded. 
He  objected  strongly  to  the  two  thirds  representa- 
tion in  Congress,  not  considering  it  at  all  equal  to 
the  rule  of  the  Confederation,  which  required  nine 
States.  "  Was  it  consonant  with  reason,  with  wis- 
dom, with  policy,  to  suppose  that  in  a  legislature 
where  a  majority  of  persons  sat,  whose  interests 
were  greatly  different  from  ours,  we  had  the  small- 
est chance  of  receiving  adequate  advantages  ?  Cer- 
tainly not." 

He  objected  to  the  great  powers  given  to  the 
Senate ;  especially  to  the  treaty-making  power, 
which  was  to  be  supreme,  "  anything  in  the  Con- 
stitution or  the  laws  of  any  State  notwithstanding." 
He  declared  that  "  in  the  known  world  "  no  ruler 
could  do  so  much. 

Colonel  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  answered, 
"  That  the  Honorable  gentleman's  arguments  were 
ad  captandum,  and  did  not  coincide  with  the  hon- 
orable fair  mode  of  reasoning  he  in  general  made 
use  of."  He,  Mr.  John  Rutledge  (also  of  the 
Federal  Convention),  and  the  speaker,  Mr.  John 


28  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

Julius  Pringle,  all  eminent  lawyers,  poured  forth  a 
flood  of  legal  lore  on  the  point  of  treaties.  Dr. 
Ramsay,  who  was  to  be  the  historian  of  South 
Carolina,  and  Mr.  Ralph  Izard  also  spoke. 

Mr.  Lowndes  answered  "  that  he  hoped  gentle- 
men would  consider  that  his  antagonists  were 
mostly  gentlemen  learned  in  the  law,  who  were 
capable  of  giving  ingenious  explanations  to  such 
points  as  they  wish  to  have  adopted."  lie  then  re- 
iterated his  objections  to  the  two  thirds  representa- 
tion and  to  the  article  on  treaties,  and  observed 
that  he  "  believed  that  the  gentlemen  who  went 
from  this  State  to  represent  us  in  Convention  [i.  e. 
Messrs.  John  Rutledge,  C.  and  C.  C.  Pinckney, 
and  Major  Pierce  Butler],  possessed  as  much 
integrity  and  stood  as  high  in  point  of  character  as 
any  gentleman  that  could  have  been  selected  ;  he 
also  believed  that  they  had  done  everything  in  their 
power  to  secure  us  a  proportionate  share  in  the 
new  government,  but  the  very  little  we  had  gained 
proved  what  we  may  expect  in  the  future."  lie 
then  passed  to  the  question  of  the  slave  trade,  which 
had  been  limited  to  twenty  years.  He  objected 
strongly  to  this  limitation,  and  thought  for  his 
part  this  trade  could  be  justified  on  the  principles 
of  religion,  humanity,  and  justice,  for  certainly  to 
translate  a  set  of  human  beings  from  a  bad  coun- 
try to  a  better  was  to  fulfill  every  part  of  those 
principles  ;  and  he  reminded  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney  that  in  a  speech  not  long  before  he  had 
said,  "  that  as  long  as  an  acre  of  swamp  land  re- 
mained unreclaimed  in  South  Carolina  he  should 
resist  restricting  the  importation  of  negroes." 

lie  (Mr.  Lowndes)  "did  not  see  that  the  right 
to  import  slaves  for  twenty  years  was  much  of  a 
'  reciprocal  bargain  '  for  agreeing  to  New  England's 
commercial  policy  forever,  .  .  .  how  call  that   a 


YEARS  OF  RESTORATION  29 

reciprocal  bargain  which  takes  all  from  one  party 
to  bestow  it  on  the  other  ?  " 

This  drew  down  a  storm  of  argument  from  all 
the  "  Constitution  men."  Some  of  the  statements 
made  and  convictions  expressed  sound  strange 
enough  to-day,  but  Charles  Cotes  worth  Pinckney, 
who  had  fought  this  point,  inch  by  inch,  in  the 
Federal  Convention,  spoke  out  boldly,  as  was  his 
wont.  He  was,  he  said,  "  of  exactly  the  same 
opinion  as  when  he  had  spoken  before,  but  that  the 
religious  and  political  prejudices  of  the  Middle  and 
Eastern  States,  and  the  inconsistent  opinion  of 
Virginia,  had  controlled  them  "  (in  convention). 
After  much  difficulty  the  freedom  of  importation 
was  granted  for  twenty  years,  and  "  only  granted 
by  the  assistance  of  the  delegates  from  the  Eastern 
States,  as  a  bargain  for  their  trade." 

He  did  not  think  it  a  very  poor  bargain  because 
"  we  have  a  security  that  the  genei'al  government 
can  never  emancipate  the  slaves,  for  no  such  author- 
ity is  granted,  and  it  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that 
the  general  government  has  no  powers  but  what 
are  expressly  granted  by  the  Constitution,  and  that 
all  rights  not  expressly  granted  are  reserved  to  the 
States.  We  have  obtained  a  right  to  recover  our 
slaves  in  whatever  part  of  America  they  may  take 
refuge,  which  we  had  not  before.  In  short,  consid- 
ering all  circumstances,  we  have  made  the  best 
terms  for  the  security  of  this  species  of  property 
that  it  was  in  our  power  to  make.  We  would  have 
done  better  if  we  could,  but  on  the  whole  I  do  not 
think  them  bad." 

There  were  many  other  speeches,  all  on  the  one 
side,  the  opposition  mute.  Mr.  Lowndes  made  yet 
another  effort ;  praised  the  Confederation  and  the 
men  who  had  made  it,  for  the  large  amount  of 
liberty  which  it  secured  to  the  States,  and  the  pros- 


30  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

perity  which  they  had  enjoyed  under  it.  He  dis- 
cussed the  question  of  electing  a  President,  and 
said  that  "  there  was  one  man  to  whom  all 
America  looked  up,  and  for  whom  he  most  heartily 
should  vote,  but  when  his  term  of  office  was  over, 
where  should  they  find  another  who  could  unite 
ninety-six  votes  in  his  favor  ?  "  He  touched  on  some 
minor  points,  and  protested  that  "  although  he  had 
been  accused  of  obstinacy  in  holding  out  against 
such  a  formidable  opposition,  he  could  sincerely 
assure  the  House  that  he  was  as  open  to  conviction 
as  any  gentleman  on  that  floor."  In  conclusion  he 
thanked  the  House  for  permitting  him  to  take  up 
so  much  of  its  time :  the  importance  of  the  subject 
must  be  his  excuse.  If  the  proposed  Constitution 
should  be  sanctioned  by  the  people,  it  should  have 
his  hearty  concurrence  and  support.  He  had  been 
originally  against  a  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  also  against  the  installment  plan,  but  when  they 
received  the  approbation  of  the  people,  it  became 
his  duty  as  a  good  citizen  to  promote  their  due 
observance.  He  also  thanked  the  gentlemen  on 
the  other  side  of  the  House  for  the  candid,  fair 
manner  in  which  they  had  answered  his  arguments. 
Popularity  was  what  he  had  never  courted,  but 
now  he  spoke  merely  to  point  out  the  dangers  to 
which  his  fellow-citizens  were  exposed,  dangers 
which  were  so  evident  that  when  he  ceased  to  exist, 
he  wished  for  no  other  epitaph  than  to  have  it  in- 
scribed on  his  tomb,  "  Here  lies  the  man  who  op- 
posed the  Constitution  because  it  was  dangerous  to 
the  liberties  of  America." 

This  was  too  much  for  Mr.  John  Rutledge. 
Hitherto  the  debate  had  been  carried  on  in  the 
most  courteous  manner,  the  speakers  generally  pre- 
facing their  remarks  with  complimentary  phrases, 
"  the  great  abilities  and  experience  of  the  honorable 


YEARS  OF  RESTORATION  31 

gentleman,"  and  so  on ;  but  John  Rutledge  had 
been  chairman  of  the  committee  that  framed  the 
Constitution,  and  he  could  not  hear  it  so  abused. 
He  sprang  up  and  made  a  fiery  little  speech,  — 
"  Often  he  had  listened  with  pleasure  to  the  honor- 
able gentleman,  but  now  he  wondered  at  his  wasting 
the  time  of  the  House  —  that  his  boasted  Confed- 
eration was  not  worth  a  farthing,  and  if  Mr.  Chair- 
man was  intrenched  in  such  instruments  up  to  his 
chin,  they  could  not  save  him  from  one  national 
calamity,"  —  etc.,  etc.  He  wound  up,  having 
apparently  talked  himself  into  good  humor,  by 
saying  that  the  "  honorable  gentleman's  allusion  to 
obstinacy  reminded  him  of  what  had  been  said  of 
another  gentleman  once  a  member  of  that  House  — 
'  It  has  been  imputed  to  me  that  I  am  obstinate  : 
it  is  a  mistake,  I  am  not  so,  —  but  I  am  hard  to  be 
convinced.' "  Mr.  Rutledge  sat  down,  and  Mr. 
Lowndes,  probably  feeling  that  anything  would 
weaken  the  force  of  his  (own)  last  words,  made  no 
reply.  This  was  the  last  time  that  these  two  men, 
both  working  for  the  same  ends,  but  ever  since  the 
elections  for  the  first  Congress  in  opposition,  ever 
met  in  debate.  Mr.  Rutledge's  son,  years  after- 
wards told  his  wife  that  his  father  had  always  con- 
sidered Mr.  Lowndes  his  most  formidable  antago- 
nist, "  not  that  he  feared  him,  or  any  man,  but 
when  he  was  going  to  speak  against  '  old  Rawlins ' 
he  always  thought  beforehand  of  what  he  was 
going  to  say." 

Mr.  Lincoln,  of  "  Ninety  Six,"  then  rose,  and 
modestly  disclaiming  the  ability  to  speak  in  that 
assembly,  yet  in  the  name  of  his  constituents, 
whom  he  praised,  as  has  been  said  above,  "  re- 
turned hearty  thanks  to  the  gentleman  who  had 
so  nobly  opposed  this  Constitution,  it  was  support- 
ing the  side  of  the  people  ;  if  any  one  ever  deserved 


3'2  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

the  title  of  man  of  the  people,  he,  on  that  occasion, 
did."  Colonel  Mason  offered  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
Mr.  Lowndes  for  upholding  the  cause  of  the  oppo- 
sition, "  by  the  desire  of  several  gentlemen,  mem- 
bers of  this  House,"  and  also  thanked  the  gentle- 
men on  the  other  side  for  explaining  their  views 
so  fully  that  they  (the  country  members)  could  go 
home  and  make  all  things  clear  to  their  consti- 
tuents ! 

So  all  ended  peacefully  at  last  and  the  legislature 
adjourned,  after  agreeing  to  call  the  convention  to 
meet  in  Charleston  in  May. 

In  that  convention  Mr.  Lowndes  refused  to 
serve.  The  people  of  St.  Bartholomew's  were 
anxious  to  send  him,  but  he  refused  firmly.  He 
knew  that  he  had  failed,  and  accepted  defeat. 

In  the  convention  the  fight  was  short  and  slight 
in  comparison.  General  Sumter  made  a  gallant 
effort  to  gain  a  postponement  until  September, 
hoping  to  secure  another  convention  and  perhaps 
a  Southern  Confederacy,  but  the  tide  was  too 
strong  and  the  point  was  defeated.  The  Constitu- 
tion was  then  adopted  by  a  vote  of  140  to  73,  and 
ratified  by  the  State  in  May,  1788. 

Mr.  Lowndes  has  been  much  praised  and  much 
blamed  for  the  part  he  took  in  this  struggle  —  prob- 
ably both  praise  and  blame  depend  on  the  latitude 
whence  it  comes.  Mr.  Bancroft  calls  him  "  queru- 
lous," which  is  hardly  a  descriptive  epithet,  and 
Mr.  Fiske  calls  him  "  silly,"  for  his  praise  of  the 
old  Confederation  ;  yet  few  men  have  called  Patrick 
Henry  "  silly,"  and  Henry  used  almost  the  same 
language  in  the  Virginia  Convention  which  met 
soon  after.  He  says,  "  I  represent  their  feelings 
(of  the  people  of  this  commonwealth)  when  I  say 
that  they  are  exceedingly  uneasy,  being  brought 
from  that  state  of  full  security  which  they  enjoyed 


YEARS   OF   RESTORATION  33 

to  the  present  delusive  appearance  of  things.  A 
year  ago  the  minds  of  our  citizens  were  in  perfect 
repose,"  etc.  "  The  Confederation,  in  my  opinion, 
merits  the  highest  encomium  ;  it  carried  us  through 
a  long  and  dangerous  war,  it  rendered  us  victorious 
in  that  bloody  conflict  with  a  powerful  nation,"  etc. ; 
"  and  shall  a  government  which  has  been  thus 
strong  and  vigorous  be  accused  of  imbecility,  and 
abandoned  for  want  of  energy  ?  "  etc. 

The  truth  was  that  Lowndes  and  Henry  were 
speaking  for  Virginia  and  Carolina ;  the  Confedera- 
tion had  worked  well  for  them,  as  their  peace  and 
prosperity  showed.  No  impoverished  State  could 
have  made  the  magnificent  gift  of  lands  to  the 
Union  which  Virginia  made  in  1789.  No  impov- 
erished State  could  have  made  the  progress  which 
Carolina  had  done,  actually  causing  her  to  be 
taunted  for  her  wealth  (by  the  member  for  Dela- 
ware) in  the  Federal  Convention.  They  were 
fighting  like  Harry  of  the  Wynd,  each  "  for  his 
own  hand." 

The  present  writer  has  no  political  opinions,  and 
is  absolutely  impartial,  —  as  she  must  needs  be, 
seeing  that  her  two  great-grandfathers  led  the 
opposing  hosts.  Yet,  looking  at  things  in  the  light 
of  accomplished  facts,  she  can  but  see  that  although 
undoubtedly  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  was 
right  when  he  said  "  it  was  the  best  we  could  do," 
Mr.  Lowndes  was  also  right  when  he  pointed  out 
the  dangers.  Within  a  very  few  years  the  Jay 
treaty  drove  the  South  to  such  wrath  that  Judge 
Iredell,  of  North  Carolina,  Associate  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  says  in  his 
letters  that  the  "  sentiments  publicly  expressed  by 
Mr.  John  liutledge,  on  the  subject  of  the  treaty, 
which  procured  his  rejection  by  the  Senate  as  Chief 
Justice,  although  nominated  by  General  Washing- 


34  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

ton,  were  shared  by  almost  every  man  south  of  the 
Potomac ;  even  by  those  personally  friendly  to 
Mr.  Jay,  and  stanch  Federalists." 

Of  other  points :  the  two  thirds  majority  did 
overwhelm  the  South ;  the  Supreme  Court,  with 
Judge  Taney  at  its  head,  could  not  enforce  the 
fugitive  slave  law,  when  public  opinion  of  the  North 
decided  against  it ;  and  the  "  reserved  rights  of  the 
States  "  could  not  protect  slavery  when  a  "military 
necessity  "  demanded  its  abolition. 

Even  now,  when  that  vexed  question  is  forever 
at  rest  (and  no  one  can  desire  its  revival),  there  is 
dread  of  overcentralization,  and  few  States  would 
like  to  "  try  a  fall  "  with  the  creation  of  their  own 
hands  at  Washington. 

This  was  Mr.  Lowndes's  last  appearance  in 
public  life  :  he  refused  all  offers  for  the  legislature, 
etc.,  and  devoted  himself  to  his  family,  his  friends, 
and  his  affairs,  in  which  he  was  always  active ; 
there  are  memoranda  of  lands  purchased  within  a 
short  time  of  his  death. 


CHAPTER  III 

CHILDHOOD   AND   YOUTH 

1788-1800 

The  domestic  life  which  Mr.  Lowndes  had  prob- 
ably expected  to  enjoy  on  his  retirement  from 
public  affairs  was  not  to  be  his  for  some  years 
longer.  Mrs.  Lowndes's  health  had  been  much 
impaired  by  grief  for  the  loss  of  her  first  two  chil- 
dren, and  she  now  became  seriously  ill.  The  doc- 
tors advised  a  residence  of  two  years  in  England, 
and  it  was  decided  that  her  little  son  should  accom- 
pany her.  Business  made  it  impossible  for  Mr. 
Lowndes  to  leave  Carolina  at  the  moment,  but  he 
hoped  to  join  her  the  next  year,  and  her  old  friends, 
the  Coopers  and  Gardens,  were  still  in  London,  and 
from  them  she  was  sure  of  kindness  and  attention. 
Letters  from  Dr.  Cooper  show  that  Mr.  Lowndes 
had  requested  him  to  prepare  for  her  coming. 

London,  June  22d,  1789. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Your  very  obliging  favour  of  the 
28th  of  March  came  to  hand  by  the  29th  of  April, 
and  hoping  that  the  "  Amelia  "  might  have  as  short 
a  passage  1  suffered  the  only  opportunity  that  of- 
fered till  the  Present,  to  pass  without  acknowledg- 
ing my  friend's  letter,  and  how  pleased  I  was  to 
receive  his  commands  to  look  out  for  a  proper  place 
for  the  reception  of  the  beloved  passengers. 

Just  then  the  town  was  more  full  than  ordinary, 


3G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

owing  to  the  great  resort  of  people  from  the  Coun- 
try, to  participate  in  the  Festivities  and  Galas, 
given  in  Commemoration  of  our  Sovereign's  happy 
.Recovery,  and  there  was  at  that  instant  no  great 
Choice,  but  I  engaged  Apartments  the  moment  we 
learned  that  the  ship  was  in  the  Downs,  and  the 
second  day  afterwards  we  had  the  great  Happiness 
to  congratulate  the  welcome  strangers  on  their  safe 
arrival.  .  .  . 

From  experience  I  can  figure  to  myself  something 
of  what  you  felt  on  making  the  voluntary  Sacrifice, 
which  I  assure  myself  will  be  amply  made  up  to 
you  next  year  when  with  the  young  Ladies  you  pay 
the  passengers  a  visit.  .  .  . 

Exclusive  of  seeing  several  old  acquaintances, 
our  winters  (not  all  like  the  last)  being  neither  so 
long  nor  vigorous  as  to  the  Norward,  and  our  sum- 
mers always  temperate  and  pleasant,  an  Invalid, 
which  will  not  I  hope  be  Mrs.  Lowndes's  case  long, 
has  more  chances  to  become  a  Convalescent  here 
than  in  any  of  the  States,  I  believe. 

Dr.  Garden,  whose  own  ill  health  confin'd  him 
at  Paris  until  a  short  time  before  Mrs.  Lowndes  ar- 
rived, and  soon  after  hurried  him  to  Scotland,  has 
not  recommended  nauseous  draughts,  but  to  leave 
all  to  change  of  air,  and  climate  and  Nature,  which 
combined  there  is  no  doubt  will  in  Time  render 
Medicine  unnecessary.   .  .  . 

As  you  will  be  informed  that  my  Godson  is  in- 
tended for  some  school  near  Town  (where  I  shall 
not  seldom  see  him)  by  a  readier  and  better  Scribe 
(tho'  not  of  the  Pharisaical  tribe),  I  shall  here  take 
my  leave  for  the  present.  .  .  . 

It  must  have  been  very  pleasant  to  the  poor  ill 
lady  to  have  kind  old  acquaintances  about  her  in 
her    solitary  journey  ;   and    Dr.  Garden  seems    to 


CHILDHOOD  AND  YOUTH  37 

have  been  a  physician  ahead  of  his  time,  judging 
by  the  prescription  given  above.  The  project  of  a 
visit  from  her  husband  and  daughters  never  was 
carried  out,  nor  did  she  improve  as  rapidly  as  had 
been  hoped.  A  letter  from  Messrs.  Bird,  Savage 
&  Bird,  who  seem  to  have  been  the  factotums  of 
half  the  people  in  Charleston,  mentions  to  Mr. 
Lowndes  their  regret  at  her  continued  ill  health 
"  which  will  oblige  her  to  spend  another  winter  in 
this  country,  .  .  .  and  that  they  will  have  great  plea- 
sure in  furnishing  her  with  money."  This  was  in 
November,  1790,  and  she  remained  abroad  three 
years  in  all,  her  health  by  that  time  being  entirely 
reestablished.  Unfortunately,  however,  the  Eng- 
lish visit  had  not  as  happy  an  effect  upon  her  son. 
He  was  upon  his  arrival  in  England  an  extremely 
pretty  and  healthy  child.  A  miniature  taken  there 
shows  a  lovely  complexion,  beautiful  blue  eyes,  and 
a  quantity  of  softly  curling  fair  hair.  He  was  just 
seven,  —  too  young,  we  should  say,  for  a  boarding 
school,  but  it  was  the  fashion  of  the  time,  and  to 
school  he  went.  He  is  said  to  have  made  great 
progress  and  to  have  been  a  general  favorite,  but 
on  one  unlucky  day,  being  tired  after  a  game  of 
ball,  with  schoolfellows  all  older  than  himself,  he 
sat  down  on  a  bank  to  rest,  and  fell  asleep.  The 
game  being  finished  the  boys  went  home,  not  re- 
membering their  little  playmate.  Some  time  passed 
before  he  was  missed,  and  then  search  being  made 
he  was  found  in  a  heavy  sleep  and  half  buried  in 
snow.  It  seems  hard  to  believe  that  such  a  little 
fellow  was  scolded  and  threatened  with  florins:  in- 
stead  of  being  put  into  a  warm  bed !  No  care  was 
taken  and  by  morning  rheumatic  fever  had  begun. 
For  some  time  his  life  was  despaired  of.  He  re- 
covered, but  never  had  any  health  again. 

Upon  their  return  home,  in  1792,  he  was  placed  at 


38  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

the  school  of  Mr.  Henry  Osborne,  an  Englishman, 
he  being  then  ten  years  old.  The  school  bills  show 
that  he  continued  here  until  1795.  One  of  his 
schoolfellows,  Mr.  James  Deas,  afterwards  of 
Mobile,  wrote  of  him  in  1859:  "Mr.  Osborne  was 
an  Englishman,  strict  and  severe  in  his  discipline, 
as  was  the  order  of  the  teachers  of  that  day.  Young 
Lowndes,  then  in  the  Latin  classics,  was  called  up 
for  recitation  and  translation,  without  his  having 
paid  the  least  attention  or  knowing  a  word  of  his 
lesson.  His  preceptor  told  him  that  he  deserved 
and  would  receive  the  rod,  unless  he  gave  him  a 
translation,  without  the  book,  and  at  his  little  table, 
and  to  attend  to  the  only  chance  he  should  have 
of  saving  himself.  He  read  to  him  fifty  lines  of  the 
'  Satires  '  of  Horace  and  closed  the  book.  Such 
•was  his  intellect  at  that  early  age  that  he  furnished 
a  correct  translation,  to  the  astonishment  of  all  his 
schoolfellows.  He  was  always  regarded  by  them 
as  possessing  a  wonderful  intellect."  He  could  not 
at  this  time  have  been  over  thirteen  and  perhaps 
this  feat  was  rather  one  of  memory  than  of  intel- 
lect, properly  speaking,  although  of  course  it  im- 
plied a  good  knowledge  of  Latin. 

At  thirteen  William  Lowndes  was  removed  to 
what  was  then  the  best  school  in  the  city  (in  the 
bills  it  is  called  "  the  college  "),  which  was  probably 
quite  unique  in  one  respect,  in  that  it  was  kept  by 
three  clergymen,  all  of  different  denominations. 

The  head  was  the  Rev.  Dr.  Gallagher,  a  Roman 
Catholic  priest,  and  his  associates  were  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Buist,  of  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Church,  and 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Purcell,  Rector  of  St.  Michael's. 
Here  the  boy  soon  distinguished  himself.  "His 
mind,"  Dr.  Gallagher  said,  "drank  up  knowledge 
as  the  earth  drinks  up  water."  His  health  put 
him  at  times  to  all  sorts  of  inconvenience  ;  occasion- 


CHILDHOOD   AND   YOUTH  39 

ally  he  had  to  recite  lying  on  the  school  bench,  and 
sometimes  had  to  submit  to  being  taken  to  school 
in  a  chair.  His  inordinate  growth  had  probably 
much  to  do  with  this  weakness,  for  by  the  time  that 
he  was  nineteen  he  was  six  feet  six,  and  terribly 
thin  and  narrow-chested ;  however,  in  his  intervals 
of  comparative  health  he  was  gay  and  bright,  and 
a  great  favorite  with  his  schoolfellows,  who  thought 
his  memory  simply  marvelous.  One  of  them,  Mr. 
Charles  Fraser,  the  distinguished  artist,  who  long 
outlived  him,  said  that  by  once  reading  a  passage 
in  any  book  he  could  repeat  it  correctly.  He  trans- 
lated the  "  Odes  "  of  Horace  into  verse,  and  wrote 
some  original  verses  on  the  death  of  a  schoolfellow. 
Very  often,  however,  he  could  not  go  to  school  for 
weeks  at  a  time,  and  then  "  he  was  dependent  on 
his  parents  for  his  various  sources  of  amusement, 
reading  with  his  mother,  or  discussing  with  his 
father  (with  whom  he  lived  on  terms  of  singular 
familiarity)  questions,  as  they  would  arise,  or  mak- 
ing them  for  the  exercise  of  his  reasoning  faculty." 
This  sentence  is  taken  from  an  unsigned  manu- 
script sketch  written  in  1835,  evidently  by  one  who 
had  known  the  persons  of  whom  he  wrote.  There 
is  no  clue  to  the  authorship.  In  after  years  Mr. 
Lowndes  told  his  wife  that  these  discussions  with 
his  father  and  brothers  had  been  of  great  service 
to  him,  teaching  him  to  look  at  every  side  of  a  sub- 
ject and  sift  it  thoroughly.  He  added  that  at  first 
his  father  had  been  angrily  impatient  of  opposi- 
tion, but  that  when  he  had  ventured  to  suggest 
"  that  it  spoiled  the  game,"  he  controlled  his  tem- 
per, and  the  arguments  were  continued. 

"  To  my  brothers,"  he  said,  "  he  was  imperious, 
but  my  youth  and  my  miserable  health  made  him 
very  tender  of  me,  except  when  he  thought  that  I 
needed  rousing,  and  then  he  would  give  me  a  rub 


40  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

with  the  rough  of  his  tongue,  which  did  me  good." 
These  two  elder  brothers,  Thomas  and  James,  were 
Mr.  William  Lowndes's  best  friends  through  life, 
helping  and  advising  him  in  every  possible  way. 
3 1  is  sisters  also  were  devoted  to  him  and  to  his 
mother,  and  one  of  them,  who  lived  to  a  great  age, 
used  to  speak  of  her  stepmother  as  "  a  very  sweet 

Sirl" 

By  this  time  society  in  Charleston  was  wider  and 

gayer  than  it  had  ever  been  before.  The  news- 
papers of  the  day,  the  "  Charleston  Courier  "  and 
the  "  Gazette,"  are  full  of  advertisements  of  amuse- 
ments of  all  sorts.  Of  these,  the  races  were  per- 
haps the  most  important.  From  early  colonial  days 
the  planters  had  bred  and  run  their  own  horses 
among  themselves  for  country  sport,  and  the  "  York 
Course,"  near  the  old  town  of  Dorchester,  had  long 
been  a  place  of  general  meeting.  From  1786  the 
chief  course  was  the  "  Newmarket,"  just  outside  of 
Charleston,  and  here  the  "  race  week  "  was  held 
once  a  year,  in  February.  Horses  from  all  parts 
of  the  State  came,  and  their  owners,  with  their  fami- 
lies, came  also,  to  what  was  to  them  the  most  im- 
portant event  of  the  year.  Dr.  Irving,  in  the  "  His- 
tory of  the  Turf  in  Carolina,"  and  Mr.  Fraser,  in 
his  "  Reminiscences,"  give  glowing  accounts  of  the 
excellent  sport ;  of  the  fine  horses,  the  careful  man- 
agement, and  the  good  tone  of  the  whole  affair. 
They  are  also  animated  in  describing  the  assem- 
blage ;  the  handsome  equipages  (many  four  in 
hand),  the  fine  carriage  horses,  the  liveried  out- 
riders, and  the  gallant  cavaliers  in  attendance.  The 
ladies  were  all  in  their  best  array,  the  gentlemen 
well  mounted  and  equipped  in  boots  and  buckskins  ; 
all  classes  went ;  the  schools  gave  holiday  and  the 
law  courts  adjourned,  for  no  schoolboy  could  be 
kept  to  his  books,  and  the  lawyers  were  as  eager  as 
the  boys. 


CHILDHOOD  AND  YOUTH  41 

The  judge  and  the  master  went  too,  and  forgot 
for  the  day  wig  and  rod.  It  was  bad  to  be  ill  in 
race  week,  for  the  doctor  abandoned  his  patient, 
and  invalid  and  nurse  chafed  at  their  own  detention. 
The  shops  in  Broad  and  King  streets  closed  for  the 
racing  hours,  and  the  clerks  hurried  to  the  course, 
while  the  negroes,  who  crowded  the  surrounding 
fences  and  walks,  were  the  gayest  of  the  throng, 
proud  sometimes  to  recognize  a  son  or  brother  in 
the  funny  little  jockey  who  wore  the  winning  colors. 
It  was  a  great  open-air  festival,  enjoyed  in  hearty 
fashion  by  the  whole  people. 

The  Jockey  Club  ball  (always  on  Friday)  was 
the  handsomest  and  gayest  of  the  whole  year  ;  for 
it  the  ladies  kept  their  best  gowns,  and  the  gentle- 
men their  best  wines.  Many  who  never  went  to 
any  other  festivity  made  a  point  of  coming  out  to 
meet  "  the  Jockeys,"  and  greeted  friends  from  far 
and  near. 

This  condition  of  things  (with  inevitable  changes 
of  fashion)  lasted  to  1860,  and  many  still  living 
can  remember  those  merry  days. 

One  very  important  change,  which  threatened 
indeed  to  break  up  the  club,  took  place  before  the 
end  of  the  century,  when  the  "  Newmarket  "  course 
was  abandoned,  and  the  "  Washington  "  substituted 
for  it.  It  was  then  proposed  that  the  horses  should 
run,  not  for  plate  as  they  had  hitherto  done,  —  a 
cup,  a  bowl,  a  tankard,  or  a  salver,  worth  £100,  — 
but  for  a  purse  of  the  same  value.  This  was  vehe- 
mently opposed,  Dr.  Ramsay  says,  by  Mr.  Daniel 
Ravenel,  an  ardent  turfman,  and  others,  on  the 
ground  that  it  would  result  in  the  intrusion  of  pro- 
fessionals into  what  had  hitherto  been  in  the  exclu- 
sive management  of  gentlemen,  and  would  lower 
the  tone  of  the  amusement. 

The  point  was  carried,  however,  and  "  from  con- 


42  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

scientious  scruples  Mr.  Ravenel  left  the  turf  in 
consequence."  It  may  be  feared  that  the  dread 
was  well  founded  —  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise ; 
and  it  was  a  pity  to  give  up  the  pretty  old  bowls 
and  cups  —  still  to  be  seen  on  many  sideboards  — 
"  won  on  the  York  (or  the  Newmarket)  course  "  by 
Mr.  A's  mare  "  Lucy,"  or  Mr.  B's  horse  "  Conquest," 
for  money  soon  spent  and  lost  to  sight.  Eager 
among  the  schoolboys  on  these  occasions  was  the 
young  William  Lowndes.  Years  afterwards  he 
writes  that  he  "  always  enjoyed  the  races  and  had 
a  passion  for  horse-flesh,"  and  one  of  his  first  inde- 
pendent purchases  was  "  a  chestnut  mare,  thorough- 
bred, from  Colonel  Wade  Hampton." 

Besides  the  races  there  were  the  St.  Cecilia  con- 
certs, the  dancing  assemblies,  and  many  private 
entertainments.  The  St.  Cecilia  was  still  a  musi- 
cal association,  the  performers  all  amateurs,  gen- 
tlemen of  the  city.  In  1792,  it  sends  to  Major 
Thomas  Pinckney,  then  Minister  to  England,  a  re- 
quest that  he  will  have  purchased  for  it  "  a  grand 
piano-forte  with  twenty  pounds'  worth  of  the  best 
modern  music  for  a  concert."  The  Dancing  As- 
sembly Association  gave  three  balls  every  winter ; 
the  subscription  to  each  of  these  societies  was  five 
pounds  per  annum,  as  we  see  by  Mr.  Lowndes's 
carefully  kept  receipts. 

The  theatre  had  no  permanent  existence  in 
Charleston,  Mr.  Eraser  tells  us,  until  1793,  but  be- 
fore that  there  were  many  transient  attempts  at 
one.  Then  it  became  at  once  the  favorite  amuse- 
ment, and  "  all  classes  of  the  community  were  en- 
chanted by  the  representations."  The  theatre, 
which  was  in  Broad  Street,  was  large  for  that  day, 
and  was  built,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  time, 
with  a  pit,  sunk  below  the  level  of  the  stage  and 
boxes,  and  occupied  entirely  by  men ;  next  came 


CHILDHOOD   AND   YOUTH  43 

the  boxes  and  dress  circle,  more  boxes  and  the 
"  family  circle  were  above,"  and  the  "  gallery  of 
the  gods  "  above  all. 

The  scene  was  said  to  have  been  very  brilliant 
on  a  full-dress  night,  as  ladies  and  gentlemen  were 
in  evening  clothes,  and,  judging  by  the  jewelers' 
advertisements  of  necklaces,  "  carcanets,"  and 
aigrettes,  there  can  have  been  no  lack  of  gems  to 
enlighten  the  picture.  The  system  of  "  stars  "  was 
not  then  established,  and  the  theatres  depended 
upon  their  stock  companies,  although,  of  course, 
distinguished  actors  appeared  from  time  to  time. 
The  orchestra  owed  much  of  its  reputation  to  the 
French  refugees  from  St.  Domingo,  as  many  of 
them  performed  in  it.  These  poor  people  came  in 
1792,  flying  from  the  horrors  of  a  servile  insurrec- 
tion. They  were  naturally  most  warmly  welcomed 
in  Charleston,  and  were  received  as  guests  into 
many  private  homes  until  permanent  arrangements 
could  be  made  for  them ;  nor  did  any  one  ever 
have  cause  to  regret  the  kindness  thus  shown.  In 
all  their  misfortunes  these  courageous  people  kept 
their  Gallic  grace  and  cheerfulness.  Arriving  as 
they  did,  absolutely  destitute,  help  was  imperatively 
needed.  The  general  government  sent  $1750, 
and  the  city  gave  812,500,  besides  the  proceeds  of 
a  concert  and  gifts  of  food  and  clothing ;  but  they 
exerted  themselves  honorably,  as  soon  as  possible, 
for  their  own  support.  Those  of  the  lower  class 
practiced  various  crafts ;  within  the  memory  of  the 
present  writer,  the  best  baker,  confectioner,  man- 
tua-maker,  milliner,  hairdresser,  and  clear-starcher 
in  Charleston  were  refugees,  or  children  of  refugees, 
from  St.  Domingo.  Many  of  them  were  gently 
born  and  bred,  accomplished  and  elegant ;  but  few 
had  any  knowledge  of  business  ;  those  who  had 
succeeded  well  in  various  branches.     Most  of  them 


44  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

became  teachers,  musicians,  singers,  actors,  or 
artists.  By  their  presence  and  tuition  the  more 
graceful  arts  became  much  more  widely  known  than 
when  those  accomplishments  were  within  reach 
of  the  rich  only.  Most  of  the  pretty  pastel  and 
water-color  drawings  with  which  Charleston  houses 
were  adorned  forty  years  ago  were  done  by  them 
or  their  pupils,  and  every  beau  and  belle  of  the 
beginning  of  this  century  had  learned  to  dance 
from  M.  Tastet  or  M.  Fayolle.  The  advertisement 
of  this  last  is  a  curiosity  :  — 

"Le  Soleil  se  leve  pour  tout  le  Monde. 

"  Mr.  Peter  Fayolle's  Dancing  Academy  will 
open  for  the  season  at  8  :  30  in  the  morning  for 
young  ladies,  and  at  12,  for  young  men.  Mr.  P. 
Fayolle  will  attend  in  schools,  and  also  in  private 
residences  if  called  for.'' 

For  young  ladies  who  want  the  more  useful  arts 
"  Madame  "Widow  Marineau "  offers  her  services 
to  teach  "  young  females  "  French,  embroidery, 
and  lacework.  The  principal  girls'  schools  in 
Charleston  for  almost  the  first  half  of  this  century 
were  taught  by  ladies  from  St.  Domingo,  one  a 
mere  child  at  the  time  of  the  flight.  At  the  first 
of  these  schools  there  was  a  peculiar  class.  When 
the  carefully  conducted  young  lady  took  her  books 
from  her  maid  and  entered  the  house  door,  the 
maid  entering  by  the  gate  proceeded  to  the  ser- 
vants' hall,  and  while  res  demoiselles  were  saying 
their  verbs,  reciting  Racine,  or  reading  Telemaque, 
the  maids  were  learning1  fine  sewing,  darning  and 

ft  ft"  ft 

marking,  lacewashing  and  manners,  all  taught  by 
the  Ma'amselle's  good  Creole  maid,  Annette.  A 
very  old  woman  showed  her  still  beautiful  sewing 
to  the  writer  a  few  years  ago.  Her  manners  and 
b.er  curtsies  spoke  for  themselves. 


CHILDHOOD   AND   YOUTH  45 

The  Charleston  Library,  almost  destroyed  by 
fire  during  the  Revolution,  had  arisen  from  its 
ashes,  was  conveniently  housed,  and  was  gathering 
in  books.  By  1808  it  had  4500  volumes.  The 
churches  were  flourishing  and  well  attended.  The 
Rev.  Mr.  Smith,  who  had  proved  his  patriotism 
during  the  Revolution,  still  held  St.  Philip's,  and 
was  soon  to  be  the  first  bishop  of  the  diocese. 
The  same  carefully  kept  accounts,  quoted  before, 
show  that  five  pounds  a  year  was  the  pew  rent  both 
for  city  and  country  churches  ;  for  little  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's as  well  as  for  St.  Philip's.  "  Pon-Pon 
Chap  pel,"  which  is  constantly  needing  repairs,  gets 
the  same  annual  amount,  and  the  "  Protestant 
Episcopal  Society "  is  five  pounds  also.  With  a 
larger  population  came  also  the  need  for  larger  or- 
ganized charities,  and  the  Orphan  House,  still  the 
pride  of  Charleston,  was  begun  about  this  time. 

Like  most  institutions  of  the  sort,  it  owed  its 
origin  to  public  and  private  charity,  the  city  ap- 
propriation being  augmented  by  a  long  and  lib- 
eral subscription  list ;  the  stimulus  being  the  fre- 
quent epidemics  of  yellow  fever,  leaving  many 
orphans  behind  them,  to  which,  in  those  quarantine- 
less  days,  the  city  was  subject.  Every  one  helped, 
from  Mr.  Thomas  Coram,  a  childless  merchant, 
who  left  it  his  whole  estate,  to  the  amateur  per- 
formers who  gave  a  concert  (of  which  Mrs. 
Pinckney  says,  in  a  letter  to  her  daughter,  "  the 
concert  was  very  successful,  the  little  choir-boy 
sang  a  solo  like  an  angel "),  and  "  the  young  ladies 
of  Mrs.  Mason's  English  School,  who  '  request  the 
ladies  who  superintend  the  female  economy  of  the 
Orphan  House '  to  accept  their  trifle  towards  the 
support  of  the  orphans  under  their  direction." 

"  The  Ladies  Superintendents  of  the  Female 
Economy  "  were  by  no  means  figure-heads  in  this 


46  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

business.  It  is  not  a  thing  of  to-day  that  "  women 
of  good,"  as  the  Scotch  have  it,  should  take  their 
share  of  management,  and  the  dignified  and  deter- 
mined manner  of  their  interposition  is  worthy  of 
note  ?  They  write  with  a  sanitary  sense  ahead  of 
their  time. 

To  the  Gentlemen  Commissioners  of  the 
Orphan  House,  —  The  ladies  superintending  the 
female  economy  of  the  Orphan  House,  having 
understood  that  your  honorable  body  was  about  to 
j)ass  a  resolution  to  appropriate  a  part  of  the  in- 
closure  of  the  Orphan  House  as  a  place  of  inter- 
ment for  the  deceased  of  the  Institution  ;  and  think- 
ing (for  the  reasons  hereinafter  stated)  that  it  is 
not  going  beyond  the  line  of  their  duty  to  express 
their  disapprobation  of  such  a  measure  ;  they  beg 
leave,  with  due  reference  to  your  superior  judgment, 
TO  state  :  — 

1st.  That  in  their  opinion  the  healthiness  of  the 
Institution  will  in  some  sort  be  jeopardized  by  the 
establishment  of  a  cemetery  so  near  to  it ;  they  feel 
their  conviction  on  this  subjeet  strengthened  by  the 
opinion  of  the  Physician  of  the  Institution,  which 
coincides  with  theirs. 

2d.  That  the  ground  which  would  be  appropri- 
ated for  the  purpose  aforesaid  must  be  taken  from 
that  which  is  now  used  as  a  garden  ;  and  that  such 
an  appropriation  would  be  a  deprivation  to  the 
children,  of  so  much  comfort  as  they  now  enjoy 
from  the  vegetables  produced  therefrom  ;  and  that 
not  only  on  the  score  of  comfort,  but  of  health,  the 
Ladies  would  recommend  an  increase  instead  of  a 
diminution  of  vegetable  diet  in  the  Institution  ;  and 

3d.  That  all  the  inconveniency  arising  from  the 
great  distance  of,  and  the  delicacy  on  the  subject  of 
interring1  the  children  of  the  Institution  in  the  com- 


CHILDHOOD   AND   YOUTH  47 

mon  Burial  Ground,  may  be  obviated  by  the  appro- 
priation of  part  of  the  City  Lands,  which  have 
formerly  been  used  as  a  Burial  Ground,  to  such  a 
use  for  the  Institution  only. 

The  Ladies  therefore  suggest  the  expediency  of 
an  application  to  the  City  Council  on  this  subject. 
(Signed)  Harriott  Horry. 

Rebekah  Edwards. 
Susan  McPherson. 
Ann  Ferguson. 
Mary  Smith. 
Indorsed  :  — 

The  Commissioners,  having  taken  into  consid- 
eration the  above  Memorial,  yield  without  hesita- 
tion to  the  opinion  of  the  ladies,  and  unanimously 
agree  to  rescind  the  Resolution. 

W.  Johnson,  Jr., 

Chairman  protem. 

So  the  poor  children  were  spared  the  constant 
contemplation  of  their  playfellows'  graves. 

Again  the  ladies,  "  understanding  that  some 
complaints  have  been  brought  forward  against  the 
Matron,  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  the 
Gentlemen  Commissioners  that  as  far  as  they  are 
able  to  judge,  they  are  unanimously  of  opinion 
that  she  has  been  extremely  assiduous  in  the  per- 
formance of  her  duties,"  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  "very  much 
to  their  satisfaction."     The  matron  stayed  ! 

Mr.  Lowndes  had  always  taken  a  great  interest 
in  the  Orphan  House,  and  the  year  before  his  death 
wrote  the  following  letter  :  — 

Charleston,  June  28,  1799. 
Gentlemen,  —  Reviewing  some  very  old  Trans- 
actions which   passed  under  my  Directions  many 
Years  ago  I  find  there  is  a  Sum  of  Money  remain- 


48  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

ing  in  my  Hands  of  £1192  old  Currency,  which 
does  not  belong  to  me.  It  was  received  in  virtue 
of  a  Power  of  Attorney  from  England,  and  recov- 
ered from  a  mercantile  Bankrupt  House  in  this 
Town,  which  consisted  of  various  Firms  of  Copart- 
nership, and  involved  a  Diversity  of  Claims,  which 
could  not  be  arranged  &  adjusted  without  great 
Difficulty,  nor  legally  proportioned  without  recur- 
ring to  the  Court  of  Chancery  :  the  Parties  declined 
or  never  resorted  to  this  Mode  of  Settlement,  &  I 
have  not  for  near  forty  years  heard  anything  more 
of  the  Matter.  As  there  is  now  scarcely  a  Possibil- 
ity of  reviving  or  bringing  this  Transaction  to  any 
legal  Decision  or  of  ascertaining  in  whom  the  Right 
may  exist  after  so  long  a  lapse  of  Time,  &  the 
great  Changes  &  Revolutions  consequent  thereto, 
it  has  occurred  to  me  as  an  expedient,  in  which  all 
Parties  would  readily  concur,  could  they  be  con- 
sulted or  known,  to  appropriate  this  Money  to  the 
Use  and  Benefit  of  the  Orphan  House  in  this  City  ; 
an  Institution  in  which  every  benevolent  Mind 
must  feel  an  Interest,  in  contributing  to  the  Sup- 
port of,  and  which  is  placed  immediately  under 
your  Patronage  and  Government.  I  therefore, 
Gentlemen,  request  that  you  will  receive  this 
Money,  amounting  to  about  £170  cy,  which  I 
have  desired  my  Son  James  to  deliver  into  your 
Hands  to  be  applied  in  such  manner  as  you  shall 
judge  most  conducive  to  the  Interests  of  the  said 
Institution. 

With  Respect  &  Consideration,  I  remain  Genm, 
Your  most  obed't  Servt, 

Raw8  Lowndes. 

To  the  Hon.  Intendant  &  Wardens  of  Cha'ton  met 
in  Council. 

A  few  months  later  he  writes  again,  resigning  the 


CHILDHOOD   AND   YOUTH  49, 

honor  of  being  commissioner ;  a  step,  absolutely,' 
necessary,  he  says,  on  account  of  failing  health: 
and  the  commissioners  accept  the  resignation  solely 
on  account  of  the  reason  given,  and  assure  him 
that  they  have  always  "considered  him  a  Father 
and  Benefactor." 

In  the  mean  while  Carolina,  like  the  rest  of  the 
western  world,  had  felt  the  stirring  influence  of  the 
French  Revolution.  The  fair  promises  and  beauti- 
ful theories  with  which  that  terrible  time  began 
had  fascinated  the  mind  and  fired  the  imagination 
of  American  youth.  And  not  Americans  only,  for 
does  not  Wordsworth  himself  say,  — 

"  Good  was  it  in  that  dawn  to  be  alive, 
But  to  be  young  was  very  Heaven." 

Even  the  elder  men,  who  had  given  their  own 
youth  to  labor  and  pain  in  the  service  of  Liberty, 
when  they  heard  her  once  more  invoked  by  their 
former  allies,  believed  for  a  moment  that  their 
history  was  to  be  reenacted,  and  that  the  country- 
men of  Lafayette  would  form  for  themselves  a 
republic  of  the  same  fashion  as  that  built  by  the 
countrymen  of  Washington. 

From  sympathy  and  enthusiasm  they  established 
Jacobin  clubs ;  then  when  came  the  excesses  of  the 
Reign  of  Terror,  they  shrank  from  the  very  name 
of  Jacobin.  The  delusion  did  not  last  long,  but 
enough  had  been  said  and  done  to  leave  much 
bitterness  behind ;  Washington  had  been  insulted 
and  the  country  taunted  by  insolent  foreigners  and 
by  her  own  deluded  sons.  Happily,  perhaps,  the 
ordrecuidance  of  the  French  and  their  followers 
became  so  absolutely  unendurable  that  when  the 
envoy,  Citizen  Genet,  undertook  to  defy  the 
President  and  raise  levies  in  Charleston  to  attack 
the  Spaniards  in  Florida,  Governor  Moultrie,  who 


T>0  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

could  tolerate  no  such  nonsense,  stopped  the  whole 
proceeding  abruptly,  appealed  to  the  law-abiding 
citizens,  and  sent  the  mischief-maker  to  Washing- 
ton himself. 

The  French  insolence  roused  the  war  spirit,  and 
the  people  prepared  for  defense.  They  subscribed 
for  the  John  Adams  frigate,  and  built,  by  the 
freely  offered  labor  of  the  mechanics  of  the  town, 
Fort  Mechanic  on  the  last  point  of  solid  land  on 
East  Battery. 

Happily  the  war  scare  blew  over,  and  the  events 
of  the  day  do  not  affect  this  narrative,  except  that 
the  leaven  of  democracy  thenceforth  leavened  the 
intense  conservatism  which  had  been  the  character- 
istic of  the  State.  It  was  the  parting  of  the  ways 
between  the  old  Federalism  and  the  new  spirit 
of  unrest,  thenceforward  called  Kepublican-Demo- 
cracy. 

In  this  time  the  young  William  Lowndes  grew 
up,  —  precociously  clever  but  fearfully  delicate. 
At  fifteen  he  left  school,  his  master,  Dr.  Gallagher, 
who  was  esteemed  a  learned  man,  telling  his  father 
that  he  "  had  learned  all  he  could  teach  him,  and 
was  beyond  him."  His  health  prevented  his  being 
sent  to  a  Northern  or  European  college,  and  after 
reading  (especially  history  and  the  classics)  for 
some  time  at  home,  he  entered  the  office  of  De 
Saussure  &  Ford,  and  began  the  study  of  law. 

While  still  a  student  he  had  to  endure  his  first 
great  sorrow  —  the  death  of  the  stern  old  father, 
who  had,  as  he  said,  "been  always  kind  to  him." 
Between  the  man  of  eighty  and  the  boy  of  eighteen 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  genuine  affection. 

Air.  Rawlins  Lowndes,  although  he  had  been  for 
years  a  sufferer  from  the  gout,  was  fortunate  in 
preserving  to  his  last  days  unimpaired  vigor  of 
mind  and  faculties,  — the  letters  already  given  show 


CHILDHOOD  AND  YOUTH  61 

this,  —  and  he  is  said  to  have  kept  every  part  of  his 
large  estates  under  his  own  direction  to  the  end. 
Perhaps  it  is  even  more  remarkable  in  a  man  of 
his  rugged  character  that  he  should  also  have  kept 
a  touch  of  his  early  romance,  the  love  of  his  first 
wife.  A  short  time  before  his  death  he  gave  to  his 
young,  favorite  son,  a  small  Queen  Anne  salver, 
and  told  him  "  if  he  should  ever  marry  and  have  a 
pretty  daughter,  to  give  it  to  her,  for  it  had  be- 
longed to  Amarinthia."     It  is  marked  in  the  old 

A 

fashion,  —  "  R  =  L,"  for  Rawlins  and  Amarinthia 
Lowndes. 

The  men  of  the  Revolution  were  passing  away. 
Mr.  Lowndes  died  May,  1800,  and  Mr.  John  Rut- 
ledge  a  few  months  later.  So  these  two  dominant 
figures  left  the  stage  almost  at  the  same  time. 
Constantly  in  opposition,  they  yet  aimed  in  different 
ways  at  one  object  only,  the  good  of  their  country, 
—  Mr.  Lowndes,  nearly  twenty  years  older  than 
his  eloquent  opponent,  thoroughly  English  and 
thoroughly  conservative,  always  willing  to  give  the 
present  order  an  opportunity  to  show  itself  worthy, 
and  dreading  nothing  so  much  as  the  "  experiments 
in  politics  "  which  Mr.  Rutledge's  keener  imagina- 
tion easily  adopted,  but  upholding  them  loyally 
when  once  they  became  law. 

He  has  been  called  narrow  and  stubborn,  but  he 
was  a  great  instance  of  the  man  of  his  kind,  —  the 
man  of  his  State.  He  had  come  as  a  child  to 
Carolina  from  his  West  Indian  birthplace ;  had 
remained  here,  a  boy,  when  his  family  returned  to 
the  Islands,  had  won  for  himself  friends,  considera- 
tion, influence,  and  wealth.  It  was  no  wonder  that 
he  loved  the  country  which  gave  him  all  these,  and 
held  her  liberties  his  dearest  good.  To  him,  his 
country  was  his  State.     His  horizon,  perhaps,  was 


52  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

narrow.  The  son  whom  lie  had  reared  and  taught 
was  to  take  a  wider,  calmer,  more  benign,  but 
hardly  a  clearer  view,  and  to  his  own  chosen 
epitaph  might  be  added  one  line,  — 

"  That  with  all  his  strength  he  loved  Carolina." 


CHAPTER  IV 

EARLY   MANHOOD 

1800-1811 

If  in  the  preceding  chapters  too  much  time  and 
space  have  been  given  to  the  earlier  years  of  Wil- 
liam Lowndes,  it  has  been  not  only  from  the  wish 
to  show  as  much  as  might  be  of  a  place  and  people 
whose  peculiarities  were  then  well  marked,  but 
also  to  show  the  influences  of  men  and  things 
under  which  he  grew  to  manhood.  Those  influences 
must  have  been  especially  strong  upon  a  youth 
whose  want  of  health  and  strength  made  his  life 
peculiarly  a  home  one,  and  brought  him  into  the 
close  companionship  of  a  father,  said  by  his  con- 
temporaries to  have  been  "  of  great  power  of  mind 
and  energy  of  character."  Thus  his  training  had 
been  exclusively  English  and  Carolinian  ;  there  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  up  to  his  thirtieth  year 
he  had  ever  visited  the  Northern  States,  and  all 
his  teachers  had  been  natives  of  Great  Britain. 
Yet,  as  we  shall  see,  William  Lowndes's  views 
were  modified  by  the  newer  day  about  him ;  the 
concentrated  patriotism  of  his  father  was  widened 
by  greater  culture,  and  by  a  youth  of  lettered  lei- 
sure such  as  Rawlins  Lowndes  had  never  known. 
But  though  widened  it  was  not  weakened.  The 
habit  of  debating  and  weighing  all  questions  as 
described  had  undoubtedly  encouraged  a  dispas- 
sionate habit  of   mind  in  the  young  man,  whose 


54  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

especial  characteristics  were  already  great  honesty 
of  thought  and  a  wise  gravity  beyond  his  years. 

In  his  town  life  he  had  seen  the  more  recent 
events  here  related,  and  had  heard  the  changing 
politics  of  the  day  discussed,  while  in  the  country, 
where  the  winter  months  were  generally  spent,  he 
had  read  and  thought.  Those  long  plantation 
evenings,  with  only  books  and  talk  to  occupy  them, 
were  great  helps  to  study  and  reflection  ;  and  the 
planter  who  read  his  Locke  and  Burke,  or  pon- 
dered over  the  "  AVealth  of  Nations  "  or  the  "  Esprit 
des  Lois,"  came  not  unprepared  to  public  life,  when 
his  neighbors  summoned  him  "  to  serve  the  State." 

Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  found  in  the 
"  History  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  Administration,"  by 
Mr.  Henry  Adams,  a  passage  which  sums  up  so 
admirably  what  I  have  tried  to  show  of  Carolina  and 
its  people  that  I  may  be  pardoned  for  quoting  some 
sentences  here.  In  a  sketch  of  the  chief  cities  of  the 
Union,  about  the  year  1800,  he  says  of  Charleston  : 
''Nowhere  in  the  Union  was  intelligence,  wealth, 
and  education  greater  in  proportion  to  numbers  than 
in  the  little  society  of  cotton  and  rice  planters  who 
ruled  South  Carolina.  .  .  .  Not  even  New  York 
seemed  more  clearly  marked  for  prosperity  than 
this  solitary  Southern  city,  which  already  possessed 
banking  capital  in  abundance,  intelligence,  enter- 
prise, the  traditions  of  high  culture,  and  aristocratic 
ambition."  And  again :  "  The  small  society  of 
rice  and  cotton  planters  at  Charleston,  with  their 
cultivated  tastes  and  hospitable  habits,  delighted 
in  whatever  reminded  them  of  European  civiliza- 
tion. They  were  travelers,  readers,  and  scholars ; 
the  society  of  Charleston  compared  well  in  refine- 
ment with  that  of  any  city  of  its  size  in  the  world, 
and  travelers  long  thought  it  the  most  agreeable 
in   America.  .    .    .   Before   the   Revolution    large 


EARLY  MANHOOD  55 

numbers  of  young  men  had  been  educated  in  Eng- 
land, and  their  influence  was  still  strong  in  the 
society  of  Charleston.  The  younger  generation 
inherited  similar  tastes.  Of  this  class  the  best 
known  name  that  will  appear  in  this  narrative  was 
that  of  William  Lowndes,  and  no  better  example 
could  be  offered  of  the  serious  temper  which 
marked  Carolinian  thought  than  was  given  by  the 
career  of  this  refined  and  highly  educated  gentle- 
man, almost  the  last  of  his  school." 

William  Lowndes  was  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death  just  eighteen.  He  alludes  to  this  in  a  letter 
written  four  years  later  to  one  of  his  brothers,  who 
had  referred  to  him  some  family  disagreement 
which  had  arisen  out  of  the  settlement  of  the  estate. 
"  To  the  best  of  my  recollection,"  he  says,  "  the 
facts  were "  so  and  so,  "  but  you  know  that,  al- 
though named  executor  by  the  will,  my  minority 
prevented  my  acting  in  that  capacity."  It  is  pe- 
culiar that  the  brothers  make  this  much  younger 
half-brother  the  arbiter  of  their  dispute,  with  a 
perfect  trust  in  his  ability  and  justice. 

A  sharper  grief  than  even  the  loss  of  his  father 
was  at  hand,  for  a  few  months  later,  as  he  was  driv- 
ing his  mother  along  a  country  road  in  a  chair  (as 
a  high  two-wheeled  vehicle  was  then  called),  the 
horse  took  fright  and  dashed  into  the  woods.  The 
chair  was  overturned,  and  while  the  young  man 
was  taken  up  insensible,  his  mother,  who  had  been 
thrown  against  the  trunk  of  a  tree,  was  killed  on 
the  spot. 

Mrs.  Lowndes  had  been  a  most  amiable  woman  ; 
her  son  loved  her  passionately.  It  was  months  be- 
fore he  rallied  from  the  shock  of  her  death,  and  it 
made  the  lasting  and  painful  impression  on  him  that 
it  was  due  to  his  own  want  of  strength  and  skill. 
He  never  again,  fond  as  he  was  of  horses,  would 


50  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

drive  a  lady  or  a  child,  invariably  giving  the  reins 
to  a  coachman  unless  accompanied  by  men  only. 
The  sole  letter  of  his  remaining,  which  belongs  to 
these  early  years,  shows  this  feeling ;  it  is  a  frag- 
ment and  undated,  but  must  have  been  written  be- 
fore his  marriage  in  1802.  It  is  to  a  lady,  a  very 
distant  connection. 

Dear  Madam,  —  On  my  return  last  evening 
from  the  play,  I  was  told  that  you  had  obligingly 
offered  to  take  a  ride  to  the  races  in  my  Curricle. 
I  confess  that  with  horses  unused  to  the  tumult  of 
the  course,  I  should  feel  apprehensive  with  a  lady 
in  my  charge.  In  case  of  any  apparent  danger,  the 
little  skill  in  driving  which  I  might  otherwise  pos- 
sess would  be  lost  in  excessive  solicitude  for  her 
safety.  The  recollection  of  what  I  have  lately  suf- 
fered will,  I   am   sure,  induce  you  to  excuse  me. 

But  as  Mr.  T has  been  much  more  practiced 

in  driving  than  I,  if  he  be  in  town,  my  Curricle 
and  horses,  which  otherwise  will  not  be  used,  are 
quite  at  your  service. 

To  this  time  belongs  also  another  letter  from  his 
half-sister,  Mrs.  Brown,  given  to  show  the  affec- 
tionate feeling  between  the  different  branches  of 
the  family.  Mrs.  Brown  was  a  widow  with  one 
son,  Lowndes  Brown,  who  afterwards   married  a 

daughter  of  the  Hon.  John  K.  Livingston  and  re- 
ts o 

moved  to  New  York.  I  do  not  not  know  what  was 
the  "  present "  to  which  she  refers. 

Accept,  my  dear  William,  on  paper,  those 
thanks  my  conscience  reproves  me  for  a  deficiency 
in  before  you  left  Town.  To  a  feeling  mind,  a  re- 
missness in  acknowledging  an  obligation  is  even 
more  distressing  than  a  repetition  can  possibly  be 


EARLY  MANHOOD  57 

to  the  conferrer.  Your  very  handsome  present  to 
my  son,  rendered  doubly  so  by  your  manner  of  pre- 
senting it,  ought  certainly  to  have  called  forth  my 
warmest  gratitude  ;  but  my  heart  was  full  of  what 
I  may  with  truth  say  was  unwished  for  on  my  part, 
nevertheless  the  obligation  was  not  the  less  for  my 
being  perfectly  satisfied  with  what  I  had  already 
received.  You  will,  I  hope,  approve  of  my  keeping 
it  a  secret  from  my  son,  until  I  find  him  capable 
of  making  a  right  use  of  it.  And  now  to  have 
done  with  acknowledgment,  save  what  is  engraved 
on  my  heart,  let  me  ask  —  are  you  never  to  con- 
fer Trifling  obligations  ?  Here  have  you  whisked 
out  of  town,  without  giving  a  moment's  notice  to 
any  one,  which  occasions  my  shelves  still  to  be  in- 
cumbered with  empty  phials,  when  you  cou'd  so 
conveniently  have  obliged  Mrs.  T.  and  poor  sick 
negroes  !  You  never  sent  to  let  Mrs.  X.  send  one 
kind  message  or  sweet  sugar  plum  to  her  grand- 
son !  It  is  a  very  great  reflection  on  your  character, 
Mr.  William,  and  I  foresee  the  pangs  of  remorse 
will  certainly  seize  upon  you.  ...  I  have  no  news 
to  write  you,  or  if  I  had  I  should  be  afraid  (as  a 
certain  lady)  to  trespass  too  much  on  the  time  (not 
attention)  of  a  man  so  full  of  business  ?  I  took 
a  ride  the  evening  you  left  Town  to  your  House 
[probably  "  The  Grove,"  just  outside  of  the 
town],  to  have  done  what  your  lazy  nephew  neg- 
lected to  do  before  he  went  to  the  dance.  I  met 
with  Mr.  Tunno  [the  family  factor],  who  observed 
that  the  most  secure  way  to  keep  wine  is  in  barrels 
headed  up  well.  For  a  Bachelor,  moreover  a  care- 
less one,  't  is  particularly  clever.  I  would  recom- 
mend, then,  your  sending  down  a  few  empty  bar- 
rels for  the  purpose  and  direct  to  have  them  made 
strong  [by  his  plantation  coopers  at  the  Horse- 
shoe].    If  you  will  give  yourself  the  trouble  to  re- 


58  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

member,  pray  remember  me  to  all  the  family  at 
Woodville  [his  brother  James's  place],  and  do  your 
best  to  make  sweet  Thomas  [his  little  nephew] 
comprehend  you.  .  .  .  God  bless  you,  my  dear 
Brother. 

Thus  ends  my  epistle,  or  whatever  you  may  call 
it.  H.  L.  B. 

For  the  next  year  Mr.  Lowndes  gave  himself  to 
reading  and  studying  at  home  ;  reading  "  particu- 
larly Greek  and  the  works  of  La  Place."  Under 
this  judicious  regimen  his  mind  recovered  its  tone, 
and  he  returned  to  his  law  books.  He  also  fell  in 
love  with  and  proposed  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Pinck- 
ney,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Major  (afterwards 
General)  Thomas  Pinckney,  a  quiet,  thoughtful 
girl  about  a  year  older  than  himself. 

The  offer  was  very  agreeable  to  the  lady,  and 
would  have  been  accepted  at  once,  but  marriages 
were  then  family  affairs,  and  "my  dear  papa  "  was 
by  no  means  favorable. 

Major  Pinckney  objected  first  on  the  score  of 
age.  Great  disparity  of  years  in  marriage  was  then 
common,  and  had  the  lover  been  twenty  or  even 
thirty  years  the  senior,  no  one  would  have  thought 
of  objecting ;  but  the  superiority  of  even  twelve 
months  on  the  lady's  side  was  held  to  be  a  mon- 
strous drawback.  Besides  the  elder  gentleman 
thought  the  younger  (of  twenty)  too  young  to  be 
married  at  all,  and  few  persons  will  disagree  with 
him.  A  second  well-founded  objection  was  his 
health.  How  Mr.  Lowndes  argued  Major  Pinckney 
out  of  this  point  does  not  appear.  On  the  first  he 
is  said  to  have  asserted,  very  truly,  that  he  was 
older  than  his  years,  and  would  soon  be  older  still ; 
but  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  he  could  have  estab- 
lished any  reassuring  fact  about  the  latter,  although 


EARLY   MANHOOD  59 

this  does  seem  to  have  been  the  strongest  period  of 
his  life. 

The  third  objection,  much  worse  than  any  other 
could  possibly  be,  was  his  political  degeneracy ! 
The  dreadful  tale  had  gone  forth  that  "  Lowndes 
was  a  Republican,"  "  a  Republican-Democrat ;  "  — 
shocking  but  true !  And,  moreover,  others  of  the 
younger  men  —  Joseph  Alston  (son-in-law  to  Aaron 
Burr),  Daniel  Huger,  and  many  more  —  had  wan- 
dered from  the  Federal  fold,  led  by  that  wolf  in 
sheep's  clothing,  the  brilliant  author  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence. 

But  though  the  new  doctrines  had  made  political 
way  in  the  State,  society  in  Charleston  was  still 
ruled  by  the  older  gentlemen,  who  had  called  Wash- 
ington their  friend  and  knew  no  faith  but  his.  To 
them  republicanism  was  synonymous  with  Robes- 
pierre, Danton,  and  all  their  wild  deeds.  It  meant 
irreligion,  immorality,  and  all  that  was  bad.  To 
bring  such  a  thing  into  one's  own  household  was 
not  to  be  thought  of,  and  Mr.  Lowndes's  suit  was 
rejected. 

Besides  his  principles  (or  prejudices),  which 
were  those  of  his  class,  Major  Pinckney  had  a  per- 
sonal reason  for  detesting  the  new  party.  The 
strongest  affection  of  his  life  was  perhaps  that  for 
his  elder  brother,  General  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney. 

In  1801  this  adored  brother  had  been  invited  by 
the  Federal  party  to  stand  for  President,  in  the 
hope  that  the  regard  felt  for  him  in  the  South 
would  counteract  the  Republican  influence.  The 
hope  was  vain  :  the  Republicans  offered  to  vote  for 
him  if  lie  would  allow  his  name  to  be  associated  on 
their  ticket  with  Mr.  Jefferson's  instead  of  Mr. 
Adams's,  but  he  firmly  declined  the  offer  as  in- 
consistent with  principle.     He  received  the  Federal 


60  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

votes,  but  the  all-important  casting  vote  fell  to 
South  Carolina,  in  which  by  that  time  the  Republi- 
cans had  the  majority,  and  the  State,  to  which 
political  fidelity  has  always  been  the  supreme  duty, 
gave  it,  against  her  own  son,  to  Jefferson. 

General  Pinckney  bore  the  defeat  silently  and 
proudly ;  saying,  when  it  was  pointed  out  to  him 
that  one  of  his  own  kinsmen  had  acted  against  him, 
"  That  a  vote  should  express  public  policy,  not  pri- 
vate consideration."  His  brother  felt  the  party 
action  more  keenly  than  he,  and  when  very  shortly 
after  Mr.  Lowndes's  suit  was  presented,  it  was  un- 
doubtedly distasteful  to  him. 

However,  ce  que  femme  vent,  Dieu  vent,  and 
here  the  lady  knew  her  own  mind.  Moreover,  the 
young  man  was,  notwithstanding  his  politics,  too 
highly  esteemed  to  be  easily  dismissed.  His  brother 
Thomas,  and  his  friend  Mr.  Frederick  Kutledge, 
both  stanch  Federalists  (the  latter  the  son  of  Gov- 
ernor John  Rutledge,  and  the  husband  of  General 
Pinckney's  niece,  Miss  Horry,  and  highly  esteemed 
by  him),  exerted  themselves  in  the  lover's  behalf, 
declaring  that  "  although  a  Republican,  Lowndes 
was  a  moderate  one,  and  from  his  temper  of  mind 
would  never  be  otherwise."  The  father  yielded 
and  gave  his  consent,  and  the  marriage  took  place 
on  the  16th  of  September,  1802  ;  the  groom  still 
lacking  five  months  of  one-and-twenty.  It  may 
at  once  be  said  that  it  turned  out  a  very  happy 
marriage.  Miss  Pinckney  was  intelligent,  well 
educated,  and  sympathetic.  During  her  father's 
English  ministry  she  had  had  the  instructions  of 
excellent  masters,  and  of  a  capable  governess,  and 
during  his  Spanish  mission  she  had  remained  for 
two  years  at  the  Parisian  school  of  the  famous 
Madame  Campan.  To  these  advantages  she  owed 
her  familiarity  with  and  enjoyment  of  the  literature 


EARLY   MANHOOD  61 

of  both  languages,  an  enjoyment  which  never  failed 
her.  She  had  also  a  good  clear  head  for  business, 
such  as  her  grandmother  Eliza  Pinckney's  had 
been.  In  connection  with  this  may  be  told  an  an- 
ecdote, which  she  herself  told  to  show  how  soon  her 
father  had  begun  to  appreciate  her  husband.  It 
was,  she  said,  but  a  few  weeks  after  her  marriage, 
and  she  was  busy  writing  in  a  blank  book.  Her 
father,  who  was  walking  up  and  down  his  library 
apparently  deep  in  thought,  asked  what  she  was 
copying.  She  answered,  "  Recipes  from  my  grand- 
mother's book  to  take  with  me  when  I  go  to  '  The 
Grove ' "  (Mr.  Lowndes's  place  near  Charleston). 
"  Very  good,"  answered  her  father  ;  "  but  I  advise 
you,  Elizabeth,  also  to  study  the  plantation  books, 
and  learn  to  keep  your  husband's ;  you  will  find  it 
necessary."  She  answered  modestly  that  "Mr. 
Lowndes  already  kept  his  books  carefully,  and 
would  probably  prefer  doing  so  himself."  "  He 
will  have  no  time,"  answered  Major  Pinckney. 
"  Before  many  years  Lowndes  will  undoubtedly  be 
called  to  public  life.  A  man  once  embarked  on 
that  career,  his  private  affairs  must  suffer.  Lowndes 
cannot  escape  it,  for  the  country  will  demand  it,  and 
you  must  learn  to  manage  his  business  for  him." 
She  took  the  advice,  and  was  in  every  respect  a 
helpmate,  managing  judiciously  during  his  many 
absences  in  Washington,  and  through  thirty-five 
years  of  mourning  widowhood. 

The  young  couple  established  themselves  at  the 
Horseshoe  Plantation,  which  Mr.  Lowndes  had  in- 
herited from  his  father,  and  instead  of  a  house  in 
town,  they  had  for  a  summer  residence  "  The 
Grove,"  a  pretty  place  just  outside  of  Charleston, 
opposite  the  race-course.  This  place  had  during 
the  Revolution  belonged  to  an  old  Mr.  Gibbes,  and 
had  been  adorned  with  many  rare  shrubs  and  ex- 


C2  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

otics.  The  British  had  wantonly  destroyed  these 
lovely  plants,  and  it  was  said  that  the  shock  had 
been  so  great  to  the  owner  that  he  had  died  in  a 
fit  in  consequence. 

In  Mr.  Lowndes's  time  these  exotics  had  been 
replaced  by  oaks  and  orange-trees.  A  double  row 
of  the  latter  edged  the  river  bank  from  the  gate  to 
the  house,  and  line  oaks  dotted  the  lawn. 

The  road  leading  to  this  pretty  home  was  beauti- 
ful with  oaks,  jessamines,  and  the  Cherokee  rose, 
and  was  for  years  the  favorite  drive  in  the  environs 
of  Charleston.  The  trees  are  almost  all  gone  now 
from  the  road,  and  the  place  has  long  since  passed 
from  the  family,  yet  they  are  still  generally  known 
as  "  Lowndes's  Grove  "  and  the  "  Grove  Lane." 
It  must  be  confessed  that  the  place  was  not  as 
healthy  as  beautiful  —  in  the  late  summer  months 
it  was  liable  to  fevers ;  and  much  ill  health  in  Mr. 
Lowndes  and  his  family  might  have  been  traced 
to  their  residence  there. 

In  1804,  as  has  been  said,  Mr.  Lowndes  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar,  and  formed  a  copartnership  with 
Mr.  Cogdell,  then  city  attorney.  On  proposing 
this  partnership,  Mr.  Lowndes  asked  modestly  to 
be  taken  as  a  nominal  partner  only,  with  no  share 
of  the  profits  of  the  firm,  but  receiving  his  reward 
in  the  advantage  of  the  elder  lawyer's  advice  and 
guidance.  Mr.  Cogdell,  nevertheless,  recognizing 
the  young  man's  character  and  ability,  refused  the 
offer,  and  made  liberal  arrangements  in  his  behalf. 

Mr.  Lowndes  soon  found,  however,  that,  although 
the  science  of  law  interested  him  greatly,  the  prac- 
tice was  most  distasteful ;  and  when  a  year  later  a 
hurricane  which  swept  the  coast  ravaged  his  plan- 
tation and  laid  waste  his  fields,  he  resolved  to  with- 
draw from  the  bar,  and  devote  himself  to  the  re- 
storation of  his  estate.     This  resolution  distressed 


EARLY  MANHOOD  G3 

his  friends,  who  had  anticipated  for  him  a  brilliant 
success  ;  and  Mr.  Fraser  remarked  to  him  that  "  his 
career  was  short."  "  Yes,"  he  answered,  "  very 
short ;  and  in  that  time  I  have  had  but  one  case  in 
which  my  conscience  and  my  duty  concurred." 

From  this  time  to  1810  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
restoration  and  improvement  of  his  property.  The 
plantation  book  shows  every  detail  of  work.  The 
names  and  positions  of  the  different  fields,  which 
needed  ditching  and  banking,  and  which  were  in 
good  condition.  How  many  "  squares  "  of  rice  were 
planted  on  each,  what  labor  was  spent  on  them,  and 
what  they  yielded.  Lists  of  negroes  on  each  place, 
their  ages,  their  children,  their  ailments,  their  needs ; 
— the  things  "given  out,"  so  many  blankets,  so  many 
shoes,  and  so  on.  How  many  were  coopers  and 
carpenters,  what  houses  were  built  or  repaired,  how 
many  barrels  made  for  the  rice.  Now  and  then 
there  are  entries  of  experiments  and  a  little  theo- 
rizing on  what  might  be  done.  His  right  hand  was 
A  lick,  his  colored  overseer,  or,  as  we  should  now  say, 
"  foreman ;  "  a  very  intelligent,  faithful  negro,  in 
whom  he  had  great  confidence.  During  this  time 
two  sons  and  a  daughter,  Rawlins,  Thomas  Pinck- 
ney,  and  Rebecca  Motte,  were  born  to  him  —  the 
last  in  1810.  These  were  the  happiest  and  healthi- 
est years  of  his  life,  but  while  thus  busy  and  inter- 
ested at  home,  he  was  watching  with  earnest, 
thoughtful  eyes  the  course  of  public  affairs. 

Those  were  by  no  means  tranquil  days  when  Mr. 
Jefferson  held  sway  at  the  White  House,  trying  to 
rule  his  countrymen  by  a  kindly  but  somewhat  im- 
practical genius,  and  to  combat  those  grim  warriors, 
England  and  France,  by  commercial  restrictions 
and  non-importation  acts. 

Few  men  in  our  national  history  are  more  inter- 
esting in  our  day,  or  were  more  misjudged  in  their 


64  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

own,  than  Jefferson,  the  trouble  lying  not  in  him- 
self or  in  his  contemporaries,  but  in  the  changing 
time  in  which  they  lived.  New  England  had  passed 
through  her  visionary  period,  and  could  not  under- 
stand the  gentle-hearted  theorist  at  Washington  ; 
and  the  Southern  Federalists,  by  this  time  a  small 
but  influential  class,  although  patient,  because  the 
President  was  a  Virginian,  hardly  knew  what  to 
make  of  the  declaration,  "  peace  is  our  passion," 
by  the  man  whom  the  Emperor  called  "  the  friend 
of  France." 

France,  which  then  meant  Napoleon,  was  the  ob- 
ject of  their  dread  and  their  hatred,  and  they  could 
not  but  believe  that  Jefferson,  who  had  openly  pro- 
fessed "  French  ideas,"  was  in  some  way  the  ally, 
or  the  tool,  of  the  terrible  Corsican.  Jefferson,  in 
truth,  held  and  loved  the  theories  of  the  Revolution, 
which  were  beautiful,  but  the  practices  and  the 
excesses  of  the  Revolutionists  and  of  Bonaparte 
were  abhorrent  to  his  benevolent  nature.  In  his 
youth  he  had  believed  that  the  "  brotherhood  of 
man  "  would  make  all  peoples  happy ;  but  he  was 
no  youth  now  when  he  filled  the  presidential  chair, 
and  might  have  said,  as  Southey  did,  that  he  "  was 
no  more  ashamed  of  having  been  a  radical  than  of 
having  been  a  boy." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  immensely  over- 
rated the  importance  and  influence  of  his  own  coun- 
try with  the  great  nations  of  Europe,  and  really 
believed  in,  and  tried  passionately  to  bring  about 
an  era  of  peace,  a  time  when  the  kingdoms  should 
stand  back  and  hold  their  fleets  and  armies  in 
check,  lest  they  should  lose  the  advantage  of  com- 
merce with  the  still  young  and  insignificant  re- 
public across  the  seas.  So,  he  thought,  might  the 
awful  miseries  of  war  be  averted,  and  peace  and 
plenty  bless  his  people. 


EARLY   MANHOOD  65 

If  ever  this  condition  of  things  does  come  to 
pass,  —  before  the  millennium,  —  it  should  be  re- 
membered that  it  was  the  dream  by  night  and  aim 
by  day  of  the  much  struggling  Virginian,  who  left 
the  White  House  a  broken  man,  reviled  by  half 
the  nation,  but  carrying  with  him  the  conscience  of 
an  honest  endeavor  for  the  good,  or,  as  he  would 
have  said,  "  the  happiness "  of  his  countrymen. 
Virginia  at  least  was  true  to  him,  and  it  is  pleasant 
to  think  that  at  Monticello  he  had  peace  and  friends 
around  him. 

England  and  France  were  then  almost  in  the 
death  grapple  :  all  other  interests  circled  round  that 
great  struggle.  Each  country  claimed  that  who- 
ever was  not  for,  was  against  her ;  but  America, 
safeguarded  by  the  Atlantic,  remained  neutral ; 
she  even  contended  that  neither  combatant  had  the 
right  to  forbid  her  trading  where  and  with  whom 
she  pleased.  It  was  of  special  importance,  because 
the  rich  products  of  the  West  Indies  were  locked 
up  in  their  ports,  and  could  seek  no  markets  in 
their  own  ships.  Jefferson's  great  doctrine,  that 
"  neutral  flags  make  neutral  goods,"  was  of  especial 
value  here,  and  he  was  bent  upon  supporting  it. 

For  answer  England  simply  seized  and  searched 
the  vessels,  and  Napoleon  jeeringly  declared  that 
what  America  called  "  her  flag  "  was  "  only  a  piece 
of  striped  bunting,"  since  it  could  not  protect  the 
ships  beneath  it. 

The  system  was  ably  attacked  in  a  very  remark- 
able pamphlet  called  "  War  in  Disguise,  or  the 
Fraud  of  the  Neutral  Flags,"  written  by  James 
Stephen,  the  distinguished  father  of  a  more  dis- 
tinguished son.  Stephen  denounced  the  whole 
theory  as  false,  and  claimed  that  in  practice  the 
ships  were  not  really  American,  but  French  or  Span- 
ish, carrying  the  produce  of  their  own  countries 


GO  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

and  fraudulently  covered  by  American  flags.  There 
probably  was  some  truth  and  more  exaggeration  in 
what  Stephen  alleged  ;  but  the  pamphlet  gave  Mr. 
Lowndes  an  opportunity  of  expressing  his  views 
on  a  subject  of  national  interest.  lie  wrote  a  series 
of  articles  in  the  "  Charleston  Courier,"  over  the 
signature,  "A  Planter,"  examining  and  discussing 
the  question.  They  were  said  at  the  time  "  to  be 
good  for  any  one,  but  excellent  for  so  young  a 
man."  Pie  himself  afterwards  wrote  of  them  : 
"  After  all,  though  as  an  argument  I  think  well  of 
the  '  Planter,'  it  was  not  adapted  to  its  purpose,  it 
was  not  adapted  to  the  readers  of  a  newspaper." 

The  work,  however,  attracted  public  notice  and 
approbation,  and  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  the  State,  for  the  parish  of 
St.  Bartholomew,  in  the  year  1806.  The  legisla- 
ture of  South  Carolina,  the  lawmaking  body  of 
one  of  the  smallest  of  States,  has  (or  rather  had) 
peculiarities  about  it  which  I  might  try  to  describe, 
had  not  that  been  already  done  by  a  pen  which  I 
cannot  hope  to  emulate. 

The  most  perfect  of  Carolinian  writers,  William 
Henry  Trescot,  who  has  but  lately  passed  from 
among  us,  has  left  in  his  "  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Gen- 
eral Johnson  Pettigrew"  a  picture  of  that  legisla- 
ture, so  vivid,  so  truthful,  and  so  discriminative,  that 
I  cannot  resist  the  temptation  of  inserting  some  part 
of  it  here.  He  says  that  to  compare  a  very  small 
to  a  very  great  thing,  the  English  Parliament, — 
"  The  legislature  of  South  Carolina  has  preserved 
much  curious  resemblance  to  its  great  ancestor. 
.  .  .  The  reverence  for  parliamentary  law,  the 
influence  belonging  to  the  silent  body  of  country 
gentlemen,  the  long  continuance  of  individual  re- 
presentations .  .  .  the  peculiar  respect  and  dignity 
attached  to  the  office  of  Speaker,  the  antiquated 


EARLY  MANHOOD  67 

and  stately  costume  of  the  presiding-  officers  of 
both  branches  of  the  General  Assembly,  the  un- 
written and  unbroken  law  of  adjournment,  so  that 
the  parish  representatives  should  be  uj^on  their  es- 
tates at  Christmas,  all  were  traditions  of  the  habits 
and  thoughts  of  our  English  blood.  Session  after 
session  the  same  men,  the  natural  leaders  of  the 
State,  the  men  who  represented  broad  acres  and 
thousands  of  slaves,  the  men  who  had  won  power 
and  honor  by  professional  labor,  the  men  who  in  less 
conspicuous  walks  of  life  had  made  for  themselves 
names  for  industry,  honesty,  and  ability,  met  to 
make  the  laws  of  the  State.  A  member's  name 
was  an  indication  of  the  district  he  represented,  and 
the  public  life  of  the  State  was  developed  in  full 
and  fitting  sympathy  with  the  personal  affections, 
the  traditional  associations,  the  local  attachments, 
that  made  its  private  life.  They  were  bound  to- 
gether by  that  unity  of  spirit  which  sprang  from  a 
deep  but  unaffected  devotion  to  the  State,  whose 
honor  and  whose  interests  were  intrusted  to  their 
keeping.  They  had  trained  and  disciplined  many 
men  whose  fame  as  orators  and  statesmen  had  be- 
come national,  and,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Cal- 
houn, I  do  not  know  a  great  reputation  in  the  State, 
the  foundation  of  which  was  not  laid  broadly  and 
solidly  in  the  legislature." 

In  this  sedate  body  William  Lowndes  sat,  as  his 
father  had  sat  before  him,  as  the  member  for  St. 
Bartholomew's.  Happily  no  such  stormy  scenes 
were  to  occur  in  his  time  as  had  marked  the  last 
year  of  Rawlins  Lowndes's  term  of  service.  One 
matter  only  of  more  than  usual  importance  came 
before  him.  It  arose  from  the  increase  in  popula- 
tion and  importance  of  the  upper  part  of  the  State. 
South  Carolina  had  been  settled  originally  by  emi- 
grants from  England  and  other  countries  of  Europe, 


08  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

all  coming  by  sea,  and  landing  at  the  port  of 
Charles  Town,  or,  as  the  old  people  used  to  say, 
"  coming  by  the  front  door."  They  settled  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  State,  which  was  afterwards  divided 
into  parishes  ;  and  these  parishes,  none  of  which  lay 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  from  the  sea,  contained 
at  the  time  of  which  we  speak  by  far  the  greater  num- 
ber of  wealthy  men  and  large  plantations.  The 
great  body  of  the  negro  population  was  massed  here, 
along  the  rice  rivers,  upon  the  sea  islands,  and 
where  the  black  seed  cotton  grew,  all  in  the  "  low 
country."  In  the  mean  while  the  "  up  country," 
which  might  be  said,  roughly  speaking,  to  begin 
about  the  latitude  of  the  present  city  of  Columbia, 
where  "  the  ridge  "  crosses  the  State,  had  filled  up 
with  settlers  who  came  down  generally  from  North 
Carolina,  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania.  They  began 
to  come  about  1750  (urged,  it  is  said,  by  the  Indian 
depredations  upon  the  frontiers  of  those  States), 
moving  in  wagons  with  teams  of  horses,  driven  by 
the  long  smacking  whips  which  for  generations 
gave  the  name  of  "  crackers  "  to  the  country  peo- 
ple. Hardy  yeomen  farmers,  what  were  called 
"  plain  folk,"  they  settled  and  throve  in  the  healthy 
uplands  above  the  ridge  and  back  to  the  mountains, 
but  with  few  exceptions  they  did  not  make  large 
fortunes.  Their  farms  were  not  as  large,  or  their 
negroes  as  numerous,  as  those  of  their  wealthy 
neighbors  of  the  coast ;  but  they  fought  splendidly 
at  Hanging  Rock  and  King's  Mountain,  and  even 
claimed  that  they  were  better  rebels  than  their 
more  Europeanized  countrymen. 

These  people  now  had  a  grievance.  Until  the  be- 
ginning of  the  present  century  the  legislative  repre- 
sentation of  the  State  was  apportioned  by  wealth 
alone.  A  parish  or  district  (as  the  counties  were 
called  after  the  Revolution),  assessed  at  so  much 


EARLY   MANHOOD  69 

property,  sent  two  representatives  ;  if  richer  it  sent 
three,  quite  irrespective  of  population.  The  par- 
ishes were  rich,  but  small  in  extent,  and  often  had 
but  comparatively  few  white  inhabitants.  The  dis- 
tricts were  large,  poor,  and  increasing  in  popula- 
tion every  year.  The  Senate  was  arranged  in  the 
same  way.  Every  parish  had  its  senator,  while 
Fairfield,  Richland,  and  Chester  had  between  them 
but  one  member  of  the  "  Upper  House,"  as  the 
people  still  called  it. 

But  by  1806  the  white  men  of  the  up  country 
began  to  resent  this.  They  felt  their  rights  in- 
fringed by  the  fact  that  "  the  silent  negro  vote  " 
(viz.  the  wealth  invested  in  negroes)  should  pre- 
vail over  the  numbers  of  the  free  white  men  of 
the  upper  part  of  the  State ;  numbers  which  now 
equaled,  if  they  did  not  exceed,  that  of  "  the  par- 
ishes." 

The  point  had  been  under  discussion  for  some 
time,  and  there  was  much  hard  feeling  excited  be- 
tween the  sections.  The  legislature  appointed  a 
committee  to  find  some  plan  of  adjustment,  and  a 
bill  was  brought  forward  proposing  that  hencefor- 
ward population  and  wealth  should  both  be  repre- 
sented, and  that  (a  new  census  being  taken,  and  a 
new  assessment  made),  —  to  use  the  words  of  the 
act,  "  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  consist 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  members  :  to  be 
apportioned  among  the  several  election  districts  of 
the  State,  according  to  the  number  of  white  inhabit- 
ants contained,  and  the  amount  of  all  taxes  raised 
by  the  legislature  .  .  .  paid  in  each.  ...  In  assign- 
ing representatives  to  the  several  districts  of  this 
State,  the  legislature  shall  allow  one  representative 
for  every  sixty-second  part  of  the  whole  number  of 
white  inhabitants  in  the  State,  and  one  representa- 
tive also  for  every  sixty-second  part  of  the  whole 
taxes  raised  by  the  legislature  of  the  State." 


70  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

There  are  many  careful  details  about  fractions  of 
representation,  etc.,  but  the  above  is  the  gist  of  the 
whole  matter.  The  election  districts  remained  the 
same,  except  in  some  small  rectification  of  bounda- 
ries between  some  of  the  up-country  divisions. 

This  proposition  brought  peace,  and  became  a 
law  in  1808.  It  continued  in  force  until  18GG 
swept  all  things  away.  The  bill  was  reported  to 
the  House  by  Colonel  Blanding,  of  Columbia,  and 
Mr.  Lowndes  (although  of  the  committee)  never 
laid  any  claim  to  the  credit  of  it.  After  his  death, 
however,  his  friend,  Judge  Iluger,  who  was  in  the 
House  at  the  time,  stated  that  the  plan  was  Mr. 
Lowndes's,  that  the  original  draft  was  in  his 
handwriting,  with  corrections  and  emendations,  and 
that  it  was  presented  by  Colonel  Blanding  because 
it  was  thought  more  likely  to  allay  the  irritation  of 
the  up-country  men  that  "  the  proposition  should 
have  the  approbation  of  a  judicious  member  from 
that  quarter."  Both  gentlemen  being  on  the  com- 
mittee, and  good  friends,  the  arrangement  (neces- 
sarily a  private  one)  was  made  between  them,  and 
never  divulged  in  the  lifetime  of  either.  The 
Honorable  William  Grayson,  the  biographer  of 
Mr.  Lowndes,  to  whom  this  statement  was  made  by 
Judge  Iluger,  examined  the  draft  and  recognized 
the  handwriting.  I  have  no  wish  to  put  forward 
any  claim  for  Mr.  Lowndes  which  he  did  not  make 
for  himself:  but  as  the  above  has  been  published 
by  Mr.  Chase  in  his  "  Lowndes  of  South  Carolina," 
I  give  it  here  from  deference  to  the  memory  of  the 
two  gentlemen  on  whose  authority  the  account  rests. 
Possibly  the  scheme  may  have  been  a  joint  work, 
suggested  by  the  brain  of  each,  put  on  paper  by  the 
hand  of  one.  Mr.  Lowndes  claimed  no  share  of  it, 
and  Colonel  Blanding  was  of  much  too  high  char- 
acter to  have  maintained  pretensions  to  which  he 
had  no  <rood  risfht. 


EARLY   MANHOOD  71 

I  may  say  here  that  the  plan  had  the  high  appro- 
bation of  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  said  of  it  years  after- 
ward, that  it  was  the  best  system  of  representation 
ever  devised. 

At  the  time  when  Mr.  Lowndes  thus  entered 
public  life,  the  aggressions  of  England  had  become 
yet  more  open  and  violent.  Claiming  the  high  seas 
as  her  kingdom,  she  there  knew  no  will  but  her  own. 
Ships  might  sail  here,  and  might  not  sail  there,  as 
she  bade  them,  and  anywhere  or  everywhere  she 
would  search  an  American  vessel,  whether  man-of- 
war  or  merchantman,  and  take  from  it  sailors  whom 
she  called  hers.  In  the  discrimination  a  British 
officer  was  not  nice :  an  able-bodied  blue- jacket  was 
apt  to  be  carried  off,  whether  he  hailed  from  Old  or 
New  London, — from  Boston  in  Lincolnshire  or  Bos- 
ton in  Massachusetts.  They  were  clapped,  despite 
papers  and  protestations,  into  English  frigates,  and 
set  to  work  the  English  guns.  Several  of  these 
men  were  killed  serving  under  the  Union  Jack  at 
Trafalgar.  The  wonder  was  that  New  England, 
the  nursery  of  seamen,  stood  it.  She  nevertheless 
deprecated  resistance,  advised  every  possible  con- 
cession, bore  the  insolence  of  Canning  and  the  irony 
of  Wellesley,  saw  her  sons  imprisoned,  and  her 
commerce  ruined,  and  yet  endured,  so  averse  was 
she  to  quarrel  with  the  only  power  which  openly 
resisted  France.  Some  years  later  one  of  her  repre- 
sentatives actually  called  the  wrong  "  endurable," 
since  "  only  twenty-five  men  had  been  taken  in  the 
last  twelve  months."  It  is  hard  to  believe  that 
such  things  were  only  ninety  years  ago.  Fancy 
Germany,  for  instance,  stopping  the  Pacific  fleet, 
and  carrying  off  any  American  born  Hans  or  Fritz, 
who  might  be  found  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

The  country  was  roused,  however,  when  in  1807 
occurred  the  intolerable  outrage  of  the  massacre  of 


72  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

the  Chesapeake  by  the  Leopard  at  the  very  doors  of 
New  York.  The  justly  enraged  people  demanded 
the  vengeance  due  on  those  who  "  shed  the  blood 
of  war  in  peace,"  and  it  was  only  the  strong  aid 
of  the  Federalists  which  strengthened  Jefferson  to 
resist  their  cries. 

England,  tardily,  and  with  great  reservations, 
disowned  the  act  of  her  officer,  and  apologized 
lamely  enough.  The  government  professed  itself 
satisfied,  but  the  people  were  not,  and  the  angry 
feeling  grew.  In  South  Carolina,  always  prompt 
to  take  the  sword,  it  had  the  very  fortunate  effect 
of  calling  attention  to  the  militia.  Drilling  and 
training  took  a  new  impulse  ;  for,  despite  the  apo- 
logy, the  scent  of  war  was  in  the  air.  Several  new 
companies  were  raised,  of  one  of  which  William 
Lowndes  was  made  captain.  "  lie  was  in  appear- 
ance the  least  military  of  men,"  his  friend  Judge 
Huger  said  to  the  present  writer,  "but  his  talks 
and  speeches  were  invaluable  in  inspiring  and 
maintaining  the  patriotic  spirit."  His  captaincy 
did  not  last  long,  but  the  company,  the  "  Washing- 
ton Light  Infantry,"  named  after  the  Father  of  his 
country,  and  observing  the  22d  of  February  as  its 
anniversary,  is  still  the  "  crack  "  company  of  the 
State,  and  has  borne  a  gallant  part  in  two  wars. 
The  leopard  skin  on  its  helmets  keeps  the  memory 
of  its  origin.  Twenty  years  later  the  widow  of  Colo- 
nel William  Washington,  the  great  cavalry  leader 
of  South  Carolina,  presented  to  the  company  the 
little  battle-flag,  made  from  her  crimson  silk  gown, 
which  she  had  given  to  her  husband's  troop  during 
the  Revolution.  It  is  still  carried  on  state  occasions, 
tattered  and  faded,  but  bearing  the  proud  name 
"•  Eutaw,"  to  which  other  names  as  proud  might 
now  be  added.  It  is  believed  to  be  the  only  Revo- 
lutionary flag  still  in  existence. 


EARLY  MANHOOD  73 

Mr.  Lowndes,  thus  introduced  to  the  notice  of 
his  fellow-citizens,  seems  to  have  increased  in  their 
esteem,  and  in  1810,  "  as  soon  as  he  was  old 
enough,"  as  one  of  his  biographers  remarks,  he  was 
chosen  to  represent  "  Beaufort  and  Colleton  of 
South  Carolina"  (the  district  in  which  his  property 
lay)  in  the  national  Congress,  and  took  his  seat  in 
November,  1811.  His  elder  brother,  Mr.  Thomas 
Lowndes,  had  represented  Charleston  in  Congress 
from  1800  to  1805.     See  Appendix  II. 

In  the  last  two  years  the  condition  of  the  country 
had  gone  from  bad  to  worse,  the  greatest  evils 
coming  from  the  French  and  English  wars,  and 
from  the  dissentient  feeling  at  home  concerning 
them,  and  the  efforts  of  both  powers  to  implicate 
America  in  the  conflict.  Besides  the  annoyances 
already  mentioned,  England  had  declared  a  block- 
ade, mostly  upon  paper,  of  all  ports  "  under  French 
influence,"  which  meant  practically  western  Europe, 
and  forbade  intercourse  with  French  or  Spanish 
colonies  ;  while  Napoleon  retaliated  with  his  Berlin 
and  Milan  decrees,  forbidding  all  nations  to  trade 
with  England,  and  asserting  his  right  (or  power) 
to  seize  all  vessels  from  her  ports.  Between  them 
the  Yankee  skipper  had  a  dreadful  life.  If  he  tried 
to  take  his  salt  fish  to  Barcelona  or  Marseilles,  an 
English  cruiser  pounced  upon  him  even  in  mid- 
ocean,  under  the  plea  that  he  was  "  breaking  the 
blockade,"  and  not  only  impressed  his  men  but  con- 
fiscated his  ship.  If  he  tried  to  run  a  cargo  of 
cotton  or  lumber  into  Liverpool  or  Bristol,  a  French 
corvette  would  bear  down  upon  him,  declare  his 
goods  "  colonial,"  and  therefore  "  contraband  of 
war,"  and  carry  him  a  prize  to  Havre  or  Bordeaux. 
Still,  America  adhered  steadily  to  her  peace  policy, 
and  to  all  these  grievances  opposed  only  the  re- 
monstrances  of    her  ministers  and  a   (constantly 


74      .  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

evaded)  non-importation  act,  to  which  had  latterly 
been  added  an  embargo. 

This  peace  policy  had  been  inaugurated  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  in  so  doing  had  doubtless  remem- 
bered the  example  of  his  great  predecessor  in  sign- 
ing the  Jay  treaty,  which,  while  it  sacrificed  much, 
secured  that  peace  without  which  the  infant  coun- 
try could  not  have  grown  to  manhood.  It  had 
now  so  grown,  but  the  policy  remained,  and  induced 
a  passivity  which,  to  countries  accustomed  to  win 
every  advantage,  and  defend  every  right  at  the 
point  of  the  sword,  seemed  pusillanimous  in  the 
extreme.  They  could  not  understand  how  a  people, 
which  apparently  cared  for  trade  alone,  could  as- 
pire to  treat  with  them  on  an  equal  footing,  and 
ask  position  and  respect  for  her  envoys  at  their 
warlike  courts.  The  unfortunate  envoys  endured 
much  and  gained  little,  although  many  of  them 
were  men  of  tact  and  talent.  The  taunts  and 
sneers  borne  by  William  Pinkney,  of  Maryland, 
and  by  Mr.  Monroe  in  England,  and  by  General 
Armstrong  in  France,  are  hardly  to  be  believed  to- 
day. Their  most  reasonable  demands  were  scorned 
or  slighted,  and  their  complaints  treated  as  imper- 
tinence. In  that  very  amusing  book,  the  "  Bath 
Archives,"  Sir  George  Jackson  says  :  "  Such  is  the 
exasperation  felt  at  the  impertinent  conduct  of  the 
Yankees  that  there  exists  a  general  inclination  to 
give  them  a  drubbing."  The  impertinent  conduct 
consisted  in  remonstrating  on  the  injuries  detailed 
above,  and  on  the  insolence  of  Captain  Douglass, 
who  had  threatened  to  burn  down  the  city  of  Nor- 
folk because  his  watering  casks  had  been  damaged. 
America  was  simply  despised. 

If  these  measures  of  commercial  retaliation  had 
resulted  in  prosperity  and  unanimity  at  home,  they 
might  have  proved  acceptable  to  those  members  of 


EARLY   MANHOOD  .     75 

the  community  who  preferred  peace  to  praise  ;  but 
the  last  measure,  the  embargo,  had  been  to  a  large 
part  of  the  country  an  almost  intolerable  burden ; 
a  burden  which,  instead  of  oppressing  England  and 
France,  paralyzed  many  of  the  American  States.  It 
had  been  supposed  that  New  England,  which  Quincy 
had  described  in  picturesque  language,  as  living 
by  the  ocean  alone,  would  suffer  most.  "  Of  the 
land,"  he  said,  "  they  think  very  little.  It  is,  in 
fact,  to  them  only  a  shelter  from  the  storm,  a  perch 
on  which  they  build  their  eyrie  and  leave  their 
mate  and  their  young,  while  they  skim  the  surface, 
or  hunt  in  the  deep."  But  with  characteristic  clev- 
erness New  England  turned  to  manufactures,  her 
genius  took  a  new  development,  she  made  shoes, 
hats,  cotton  goods,  etc.,  and  throve  by  supplying 
the  wants  of  her  neighbors.  The  embargo  proved 
the  beginning  of  her  great  wealth,  and  when  a  few 
years  later  it  was  proposed  to  remove  the  non-im- 
portation act  which  she  had  so  fiercely  opposed,  it 
was  found  that  her  interests  had  changed,  and  she 
now  insisted  upon  its  retention. 

On  the  agricultural  States  the  embargo  bore  hea- 
vily. Virginia,  perhaps,  suffered  most  of  all ;  Car- 
olina suffered  also.  Neither  possessed  the  flexible 
habit  of  mind  and  hand  of  their  Northern  country- 
men :  their  laborers  were  negroes,  good  at  their 
own  work,  but  hard  to  turn  to  unaccustomed  ways. 
They  manufactured  nothing,  and  their  tobacco  hogs- 
heads and  cotton  bales  stood  piled  in  their  barns, 
while  the  necessaries  of  life  were  wanting.  They 
did  not  repine,  and  each  man  among  his  own  people 
did  what  he  could.  The  people  had  to  be  clothed, 
and  the  planters  hunted  out  their  old  looms  and 
set  the  women  to  work.  They  wove  not  only  cot- 
ton homespun,  but  a  serviceable  stuff  of  wool  and 
cotton  something  like  jeans,  eking  out  the  scanty 


76  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

supply  of  wool  by  recourse  to  the  high-piled  mat- 
tresses ou  the  old-fashioned  bedsteads.  Wool  was 
indeed  so  scarce  that  the  sheep  led  charmed  lives, 
and  even  the  locks  left  on  the  brier  patches  were 
gathered  up,  as  by  the  pious  "  shepherd  of  Salis- 
bury Plain." 

Some  weavers  acquired  a  certain  degree  of  skill : 
the  present  writer  has  seen  a  very  decent  table- 
cloth, of  a  wide-checked  pattern,  woven  on  her 
grandmother's  plantation  at  this  time.  Ladies  and 
children  wore  shoes  from  the  hides  of  their  own 
cattle,  tanned  and  made  by  the  plantation  crafts- 
men. "  If  the  embargo  had  lasted  long  enough  we 
should  have  been  a  manufacturing  people,"  the  old 
men  used  to  say.  But,  in  truth,  their  works  did 
not  amount  to  more  than  home  industries ;  there 
was  no  concerted  action,  —  the  intense  individualism 
of  their  training  prevented  that,  — and  except  these 
few  plain  things,  they  went  without,  or  bought 
from  their  clever  neighbors.  In  South  Carolina, 
trade  resolved  itself  into  a  species  of  barter  in 
which  new  men  made  great  fortunes.  Shopkeepers 
who  had  laid  in  a  good  stock  of  goods  before  the 
ports  were  closed  could  sell  them  for  what  they 
liked.  I  have  seen  some  coarse,  horn-handled 
knives  (inferior  kitchen  knives  now)  which  were 
bought  —  a  dozen  of  them  —  for  three  bales  of 
cotton,  equal  to  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
dollars.  If  money  had  to  be  raised  (taxes,  for 
instance,  must  be  paid),  the  same  obliging  shop- 
keeper would  possibly  give  five  dollars  for  a  couple 
of  tierces  of  rice  worth  perhaps  fifty. 

When  the  embargo  was  removed,  these  men  had 
their  yards  piled  with  bales  and  barrels  of  price, 
which  had  cost  them  hardly  anything,  while  the 
planters  were  impoverished  and  their  debts  had 
accumulated.       Many  such   tales    were    told   fifty 


EARLY   MANHOOD  77 

years  ago.  They  were  impoverished,  but  they  took 
it  with  wonderful  spirit  and  firmness.  The  older 
men,  stanch  Federalists  though  they  were,  shook 
their  heads  grimly  and  cursed  the  French  (it  was 
always  the  French  who  were  supposed  to  have  done 
the  harm),  but  made  no  resistance,  for  these  were 
political  experiments,  and,  in  such,  Carolina  is 
always  interested ;  and  was  not  the  President, 
whose  plan  it  was,  a  Virginian,  and  is  not  Virginia 
the  chief  of  all  the  Southern  States  ?  Dr.  Ramsay, 
writing  while  the  trouble  was  fresh,  says  :  — 

"  A  chain  of  suffering  encircled  the  community ; 
all  this  was  magnanimously  borne  by  a  great  ma- 
jority of  the  inhabitants.  Their  reproaches  fell 
not  on  the  administrators  of  their  own  government, 
but  on  the  authors  of  British  orders  and  French 
decrees.  .  .  .  While  others  contended  that  they 
suffered  most  from  the  embargo,  the  Carolinians, 
with  justice,  preferred  their  claim  to  the  honor  of 
bearing  it  best.  ...  It  might  be  added  that  if 
the  embargo  had  been  as  faithfully  observed  and 
as  patiently  borne  in  every  part  of  the  Union  as  it 
was  in  Carolina,  the  issue  would  probably  have 
been  very  different,  and  certainly  more  to  the  honor 
of  the  United  States  ;  "  —  (written  apparently  in 
1808). 

The  effect  upon  the  younger  men,  although 
Republican-Democrats,  was  to  give  them  an  in- 
tense dislike  to  all  these  measures,  by  which  their 
so-called  party  had  striven  to  avoid  the  taking 
of  arms.  With  clearer  sight  than  their  fathers, 
or  than  their  Federal  contemporaries,  they  saw 
that  the  time  had  come  when  the  country  must  as- 
sert herself  or  lose  her  self-respect  forever.  The 
new  representatives  sent  by  South  Carolina  to  the 
Twelfth  Congress  were  Langdon  Cheves,  William 
Lowndes,  and  John  C.  Calhoun,  —  all  young,  able, 


78  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

and  ardent,  unshackled  by  previous  bonds,  and 
owing  allegiance  to  no  especial  leader.  Calhoun 
and  Lowndes  were  nine-and-twenty,  born  within  a 
month  of  each  other ;  Cheves,  about  five  years 
older.  There  was  also  David  R.  Williams,  a  man 
of  much  force  and  integrity,  who  had  vainly  endeav- 
ored to  rouse  the  spirit  of  the  last  inert  Eleventh 
Congress.  The  desire  of  all  these  men  was  to 
awaken  the  patriotism  of  the  country  and  achieve 
for  her  a  place  among  the  nations,  without  regard 
to  politics  or  party. 

They  had  set  themselves  no  easy  task.  To  those 
who  have  lived  through  the  great  changes  of  the 
last  fifty  years,  it  is  curious  to  look  back  to  the 
great  excitements  and  agitations  which  very  slight 
causes  produced  when  this  government  was  new. 
Men,  not  foreseeing  the  wonderful  way  in  which  a 
free  and  self-governing  people  can  adapt  itself  and 
its  laws  to  the  exigencies  of  an  untried  system, 
thought  every  new  move  a  mighty  matter,  and  cried 
ruin  and  disaster  whenever  their  theories  were  op- 
posed. 

The  Louisiana  purchase,  whereby  territory  large 
as  an  empire  was  secured  on  the  easiest  and  hon- 
estest  possible  terms,  had,  in  1800,  driven  the 
Northern  Federalists  to  fury  ;  and  now  the  applica- 
tion of  the  southernmost  portion  of  that  territory 
to  be  admitted  as  a  State  renewed  their  agitation. 
Their  opposition  was  based  on  the  point  that  such 
an  acquisition,  not  having  been  provided  for  in  the 
Constitution,  must  be  repugnant  to  it,  and  they 
seem  really  to  have  believed  that  "  the  framers  " 
expected  the  country  to  retain  always  its  original 
bounds,  despite  the  designs  upon  Canada  which  had 
been  agitated  from  the  beginning  of  the  Union. 
They  especially  dreaded  the  addition  of  a  State 
southern  in  position  and  institutions  ;  and  uncon- 


EARLY  MANHOOD  79 

sclous  of  the  extraordinary  powers  of  assimilation 
to  be  developed  by  the  United  States,  they  regarded 
the  Spanish  and  French  people,  language  and  laws 
of  the  newcomer,  as  the  Hebrews  regarded  the 
wedge  of  Achan.  They  could  never  consider  it  a 
State  like  their  own,  they  said  ;  its  people  would  be 
natives  "  of  a  foreign  country  girt  upon  us,  but 
never  citizens  of  the  United  States."  One  such  vio- 
lation of  the  Constitution,  as  they  deemed  it,  broke, 
they  thought,  all  bonds,  and  in  their  indignation 
they  were  ready  to  dissolve  the  Union,  lest  they 
themselves  should  be  corrupted.  Nor  did  they  con- 
sider this  as  any  desperate  deed.  We  must  remem- 
ber that  no  peculiar  sanctity  attached  to  the  Union 
in  the  minds  of  the  men  who  made  it.  They  had 
bound  their  States  together  for  mutual  advantage  : 
should  that  advantage  cease  to  exist,  they  were 
ready  with  small  scruple  to  cut  the  bonds  them- 
selves had  made. 

Jefferson  and  Fisher  Ames  might  be  held  to 
represent  the  political  poles :  but  in  1803  Ames 
gravely  declared,  "  Our  country  is  too  big  for 
Union  ; "  and  Jefferson,  also  alarmed  at  what  seems 
to  us  this  very  moderate  vastness,  said,  a  little  later, 
"  Whether  we  remain  in  one  confederacy,  or  break 
into  Atlantic  and  Mississippi  confederations,  I  be- 
lieve not  very  important  to  the  happiness  of  either 
part."  These  were  geographical  considerations, 
more  important  were  the  political  ones  ;  but  the 
famous  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798  were  mod- 
erate in  comparison  with  the  demands  and  plans 
of  Pickering,  Griswold,  Quincy,  and  others,  men 
of  New  England,  "  where  there  is,"  says  Cabot, 
"  among  the  body  of  the  people  more  wisdom  and 
virtue  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  United  States." 
They,  in  1804,  in  order  to  "  save  New  England" 
(by  which  they  meant  the  Federal  party),  decided 


80  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

that  they  must  part  her  from  the  South  and  West 
as  from  an  evil  thing,  and  they  prepared  to  form  a 
New  England  Confederacy  (hoping  much  to  carry 
New  York  with  them),  with  as  strong  a  sense  of 
right  as  the  Southerners  had  in  1861.  They  were 
held  in  check  by  the  wiser  heads  among  them,  — 
George  Cabot,  Adams,  etc.,  —  not  that  their  plan 
was  wrong,  but  that  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  ;  "  al- 
though," Cabot  says,  "  a  separation  at  some  period 
not  very  remote  may  probably  take  place."  They 
desisted  for  the  moment,  but  not  until  their  under- 
standing with  the  English  cabinet  was  such  that 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  if  the  "  Essex  Junto  " 
had  carried  its  measures,  it  would  have  done  so 
under  the  protection  of  a  British  fleet.  It  seemed 
as  if  Lord  North's  "  rope  of  sand  "  was  beginning 
already  to  dissolve.  The  South  was  tranquil ; 
wishing  for  relief  from  its  financial  embarrass- 
ments, but  not  willing  to  force  the  President's  hand, 
or  depart  from  those  "  peace  principles "  which 
formed  the  guiding  star  of  the  Jeffersonian  Demo- 
cracy. The  West  had  rejoiced  at  the  purchase  of 
Louisiana  (Ohio,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee  were 
then  the  West),  securing  to  them  as  it  did  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  unlimited  com- 
merce. It  had  never  felt  safe  before,  remembering 
Jay's  proposition  to  surrender  this  right  to  Spain 
in  order  to  secure  the  Spanish  trade  to  New 
England.  The  Pinckney  treaty  of  1795  had  in- 
deed assured,  as  well  as  might  be,  the  free  naviga- 
tion and  "  right  of  deposit  "  (i.  e.  of  warehouses) 
at  New  Orleans,  but  treaties  are  but  paper  and 
may  be  broken  :  the  purchase  made  it  sure.  The 
West,  therefore,  was  willing  to  admit  the  new  State ; 
but  the  feeling  of  apprehension  was  genei-al,  for, 
although  the  proceedings  of  the  Essex  Junto  were 
not   known,  Quincy's    famous    speech,    eloquently 


EARLY   MANHOOD  81 

declaring  the  right  of  a  State  to  shape  her  own 
destiny,  had  startled  all  men.  In  January,  1811,  in 
the  last  session  of  the  Eleventh  Congress,  he  had 
said  :  "  I  hold  my  life,  liberty,  and  property,  and  the 
people  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  hold 
theirs,  by  a  better  tenure  than  any  which  this 
national  government  can  give.  .  .  .  We  hold  them 
by  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts.  Behind  her  ample  shield  we  find 
refuge  and  feel  safety.  ...  If  this  bill  passes  [viz. 
to  admit  the  State  of  Louisiana],  it  is  my  de- 
liberate opinion  that  it  is  virtually  a  dissolution 
of  this  Union,  that  it  will  free  the  States  from  their 
moral  obligations,  and  as  it  will  be  the  right  of  all, 
so  it  will  be  the  duty  of  some,  definitely  to  prepare 
for  a  separation,  amicably  if  they  can,  forcibly  if 
they  must." 

Such  was  the  feeling  at  home  and  abroad  when 
the  Twelfth  Congress  met. 


CHAPTER  V 

CONGRESS 
1811-1812 

In  the  year  1811  the  journey  from  Charleston 
to  Washington  was  long  and  tedious.  To  traverse 
the  two  Carolinas  and  the  State  of  Virginia  re- 
quired from  ten  days  to  three  weeks,  according  to 
lightness  of  vehicle  and  swiftness  of  horse.  One 
had  to  cross  great  rivers,  often  swollen  by  fresh- 
ets, in  flats  poled  by  negroes.  Sometimes  the  car- 
riage would  slip  down  the  muddy  banks  into  the 
river,  sometimes  it  stuck  in  a  swamp,  and  again 
the  horses  stalled  in  a  sandy  waste.  The  old  jour- 
nals are  full  of  these  misadventures.  The  wayside 
taverns  were  abominable,  and  although  the  neigh- 
boring planters  were  delighted  to  receive  travelers, 
their  houses  were  apt  to  be  so  widely  surrounded 
by  their  own  acres  that  it  lengthened  the  journey 
too  much  to  go  in  search  of  them.  To  avoid  this 
fatigue  and  trouble,  Mr.  Lowndes,  on  his  first  jour- 
ney to  Congress,  went  by  water,  taking  the  Phil- 
adelphia packet,  which  was  esteemed  better  than 
that  to  Baltimore  or  Norfolk. 

His  letters  to  his  wife  begin  at  this  moment,  and 
as  they  show  his  disposition  and  character  more 
clearly  than  any  mere  account  can  do,  passages 
from  them  are  given  here.  The  constant  careful 
directions  for  the  plantation  work  are  generally 
omitted,  as   are  also  the  kindly  messages   to   his 


CONGRESS  83 

brothers  and  sisters,  and  much  of  the  affectionate 
talk  of  and  to  the  children.  This,  not  compressed 
into  a  sentence  or  two  at  the  end,  as  in  many 
paternal  epistles,  runs  throughout  most  of  them  in 
a  loving  and  tender  strain.  These  early  letters  give 
also  his  first  impressions  of  many  of  the  distin- 
guished men  of  the  time ;  impressions  which  were 
to  be  confirmed  or  modified  by  further  acquaint- 
ance.    He  writes :  — 

Philadelphia,  Oct.  23d,  1811. 
I  will  adopt  hereafter,  my  dear  Elizabeth,  the 
same  plan  of  numbering  my  letters  which  your 
sister  practices.  This  will  enable  you  to  discrimi- 
nate between  the  negligence  of  the  Postoffi.ce  and 
mine.  My  first  was  written  on  shipboard  and  put 
into  the  office  at  Newcastle  immediately  upon  my 
landing.  ...  I  am  very  comfortably  lodged  here 
at  Mrs.  Benson's,  where  I  found  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Cheves,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Kennedy,  Hugh  Rutledge, 
and  Mr.  Toomer.  It  is  a  Carolina  house  [all  the 
above  were  from  Carolina]  ;  Mrs.  Cheves  is  a  very 
pleasant  and  amiable  woman.  Mr.  Cheves  and  I 
have  occasionally  touched  on  the  subject  which  in 
conversation  you  know  I  very  much  dislike  —  poli- 
tics. But  I  felt  much  anxiety  to  know  his  opinions, 
because  I  believe  that  they  either  are  or  will  be 
those  of  nearly  all  the  members  from  Carolina.  He 
carries  his  wife  and  two  children  to  Washington. 
...  I  shall  set  off  in  a  day  or  two  for  Washing- 
ton, by  the  way  of  Lancaster,  traveling  slowly  and 
spending  two  or  three  days  at  some  of  the  farms 
upon  the  road.  I  begin  to  long  for  a  peep  at  you 
and  the  children,  but  I  must  make  a  requisition 
upon  my  patience  for  six  months. 


84  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Washington,  Saturday  Night. 

November  2  or  li,  1811. 

Here  I  am,  you  see,  at  the  end  of  my  journey,  in 
a  comfortable  room  with  a  good  fire,  and  I  believe 
in  a  pleasant  mess.  I  do  not  well  know  all  of 
them,  but  I  think  it  will  consist  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Cheves  (and  two  children  for  the  musical  part  of 
the  company),  Mr.  Clay,  whom  they  call  "  the 
AVestern  Star  "  (I  believe  he  is  a  clever  man),  and 
his  wife  ;  Mr.  Calhoun  from  our  State,  and  perhaps 
two  other  gentlemen.  1  have  so  far  done  better 
than  I  had  expected.  I  came  from  Baltimore  in 
the  stage-coach  with  the  elite  of  the  Federalists. 
I  liked  the  little  I  saw  of  Mr.  Emmott  [representa- 
tive from  New  York]  very  much.  Of  Mr.  Quincy 
[of  Massachusetts]  I  have  seen  more  and  think 
less.  He  is  always  looking  out  for  a  prettiness  in 
thought  or  language,  always  declaiming  —  he  de- 
claims ill ;  and  even  his  language  (which  is  doubly 
offensive  in  a  pretty  speaker)  is  very  inaccurate. 
But  what  are  Mr.  Emmott  and  Mr.  Quincy  to 
you  ?  I  had  better  write  about  myself :  I  mean 
to  do  so.  I  am  quite  recovered  from  the  slight  in- 
disposition which  I  had  at  Philadelphia  .  .  .  and 
Dr.  Physick  says  it  will  be  my  own  fault  if  it  ever 
returns  again.  I  await  the  winds  of  the  Capital 
without  tremor. 

I  will  not  return  to  Carolina  by  water,  I  will  not 
return  in  the  stage  :  how  I  shall  return  I  do  not  yet 
know,  but  these  stages  are  not  the  things  for  me. 
My  present  disposition,  if  my  health  continues 
good,  is  in  favour  of  returning  on  horseback.  But 
I  must  not  yet  think  of  the  manner  of  returning. 
...  I  meant  to  have  written  some  directions  to  my 
overseers  and  to  the  carpenters,  but  my  plantation 
ideas  have  got  so  completely  to  the  bottom  of  my 
brain   that  I  shall  "  tumble  up  everything,"  as  the 


CONGRESS  85 

ladies  call  it,  if  I  rummage  for  them.  ...  If  I 
keep  this  letter  two  days  I  may  frank  it :  if  I  send 
it  now  you  will  have  to  pay  for  it :  however,  I  feel 
so  anxious  to  have  to  pay  for  a  letter  from  you, 
that  I  will  impute  the  same  anxiety  to  you  and  send 
off  my  letter.  When  you  answer  it,  it  is  not  ne- 
cessary that  I  should  say,  "  tell  me  everything  about 
the  children."  I  suppose  you  will  soon  be  going 
into  the  country.  .  .  .  You  can  send  word  to  Boi- 
neau  [an  overseer]  to  break  Napoleon  for  Rawlins, 
who  will  want  him  next  summer,  for  I  am  afraid 
Glum's  [the  old  pony]  night  is  setting  in.  If  my 
letter  is  to  go  to-day  I  must  send  it  now.  I  wish 
myself  at  home. 

Such  letters  require  but  little  comment.  Dr. 
Physick,  then  the  head  of  his  profession  in  this 
country,  certainly  benefited  him,  for  his  health  im- 
proved for  some  time.  A  recent  brilliant  novelist 
makes  one  of  her  characters  remark  that "  General 
Washington  never  was  anything  but  a  homesick 
country  gentleman ;  "  to  which  an  English  traveler 
replies  that  "  the  same  might  be  said  of  most  mem- 
bers of  Parliament."  It  certainly  is,  or  was,  true  of 
those  Southern  members  of  Congress  who  left  their 
beloved  plantations  for  the  unfinished  city  and  raw 
society  of  Washington.  The  letter  just  given,  and 
the  following,  written  only  a  few  days  after  the  open- 
ing of  a  session  which  must  last  six  months  at  least, 
are  striking  proofs  of  this,  but  it  is  visible  in  every 
letter.  This  also  gives  his  first  impressions  of  Mr. 
Calhoun. 

Washington,  Nov.  7,  1811. 

From  this  place  one  who  does  not  write  politics 
can  hardly  find  anything  to  write,  and  I  never  feel 
any  disposition  to  write,  nor  would  you  to  read 
them.     I  find  my  notions  on  the  subject  less  singu- 


8G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

lar  than  I  had  supposed  them,  and  there  is  some 
degree  of  satisfaction  in  receiving  for  one's  opin- 
ions the  confirmation  afforded  by  another's.  Of 
opinions,  however,  in  respect  to  our  best  policy,  the 
diversity  is  very  great,  and  the  want  of  some  con- 
trolling or  at  least  some  concentrating  influence  is 
very  obvious. 

I  think  our  mess  a  pleasant  one,  the  most  so, 
perhaps,  in  the  place.  We  have,  too,  the  honor  of 
having  the  Speaker  [Mr.  Clay]  among  us.  [Mr. 
Clay  had  been  made  Speaker  since  his  previous 
letter].  Mr.  Calhoun,  of  S.  Carolina,  has  joined 
tis  within  a  day  or  two.  I  had  heard  a  very  favour- 
able character  of  him  ;  but  skeptical  as  I  am  on 
the  score  of  character,  this  did  not  at  all  lessen  by 
preparing  me  for  the  pleasure  of  an  acquaintance 
with  a  man,  well  informed,  easy  in  his  manners, 
and  I  think  amiable  in  his  disposition.  I  like  him 
already  better  than  any  member  of  our  mess,  and 
I  give  his  politics  the  same  preference.  .  .  .  This 
delay  affords  no  encouragement  to  try  the  Norfolk 
packet  for  expedition  in  returning  home,  and  in- 
deed I  have  written  to  you  that  I  had  determined 
against  it  on  other  grounds.  I  shall  indeed,  I  think, 
return  in  a  very  convenient  way  with  Mr.  Calhoun, 
who  wishes  to  buy  a  carriage  here.  Each  of  us 
wishes  to  buy  a  pair  of  horses,  but  if  we  cannot  do 
that,  then  each  will  buy  one  low-priced  horse,  and 
we  shall  travel,  a  little  more  leisurely  perhaps,  to 
Carolina  together.  In  regard  to  my  health,  there 
is  no  reason  for  your  feeling  any  solicitude ;  I  am 
quite  well,  and  take  nearly,  or  perhaps  quite,  ex- 
ercise enough.  The  streets  will  soon  be  too  bad 
for  walking,  and  I  am  looking  for  a  saddle  horse. 
.  .  .  Tell  Rawlins  [his  eldest  son,  about  eight  years 
old]  that  I  am  very  impatient  for  his  message, 
and  would  turn  from  Mr.  Randolph's  most  brilliant 


CONGRESS  87 

harangue  to  read  it :  tell  him  his  father  thinks  of 
him  every  day,  and  a  hundred  times  a  day,  and 
never  without  wishing  to  be  with  him. 

It  seems  curious  that  having  been  so  long  in  the 
legislature,  and  therefore  necessarily  in  company 
with  men  from  all  parts  of  the  State,  Mr.  Lowndes 
should  never  have  met  either  Mr.  Cheves  or  Mr. 
Calhoun  until  their  congressional  life  began.  It 
may  as  well  be  said  at  once  that  the  friendship  for 
these  two  gentlemen,  which  arose  early  in  their  ac- 
quaintance, continued  unbroken  to  his  life's  end. 
No  rivalry  or  personal  ambition  interfered  with 
their  high  estimation  of  each  other,  the  kindest 
offices  were  exchanged  between  them,  and  twenty 
years  after  Mr.  Lowndes's  death,  Mr.  Calhoun, 
visiting  his  widow,  said,  with  an  emotion  rare  in 
that  great  man,  "that  there  had  never  been  a 
shadow  between  his  friend  and  himself." 

In  the  House  Mr.  Lowndes  had  as  yet  been  silent, 
a  silence  which  annoyed  his  friends  at  home,  — 
most  of  all,  his  old  preceptor,  Dr.  Gallagher,  who 
exclaimed  impatiently,  "  Why  does  he  not  speak  ? 
Let  him  speak  and  show  what  he  is."  His  reasons 
for  not  doing  so  he  gives  in  the  following :  — 

November  24,  1811. 

Of  what  are  usually  considered  comforts  of  life 
we  have  as  much  here  as  could  reasonably  be  de- 
sired while  we  are  separated  from  our  families. 
This  separation,  when  we  get  busily  engaged  in  poli- 
tics, may  possibly  be  less  vexatious  than  now,  as 
one  subject  of  anxiety  may  expel  another.  At  pre- 
sent there  is  nothing  here  which  interests  me  :  not 
but  that  the  subjects  of  deliberation  in  the  House 
are  important,  but  because  I  am  not  vain  enough 


88  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

to  expect  to  alter,  or  sanguine  enough  to  think  that 
I  shall  approve,  the  result. 

And  again  a  little  later  :  — 

December  1,  1811. 

I  write  every  Sunday  and  I  shall  certainly  at 
no  time  of  the  session  be  too  busy  to  do  so.  In 
fact  I  do  not  expect  to  be  at  all  busy.  I  have  not 
yet  made  any  other  effort  at  speaking  in  the  House 
than  an  "  aye  "  or  "  no,"  and  I  am  not  sure  but  that 
these  may  continue  to  be  the  only  specimens  of  my 
eloquence.  I  never  have  spoken,  and  I  think  I 
cannot  speak  without  the  expectation  (perhaps  al- 
ways a  mistaken  one)  of  making  some  converts, 
but  I  am  not  vain  enough  to  think  of  making  a 
convert  here  in  public  debate.  Something  in  this 
way  is  done  in  conversation  ;  much,  I  think,  has  been 
done  by  the  open  declarations  of  the  new  members, 
behind  which  the  timid  may  rally,  and  on  whose 
opinions  the  lazy  may  in  some  measure  repose  :  but 
this  is  something  very  different  from  conviction. 

A  young  and  modest  man  might  well  be  doubtful 
of  his  influence  in  such  an  assemblage  as  the  Twelfth, 
or,  as  it  was  called  in  the  peaceful  years  after  1815, 
the  "  War  Congress."  A  new  spring  of  life  and 
talent  seemed  to  have  come  to  the  House,  presided 
over  by  the  "  Western  Star,"  Henry  Clay.  The 
more  prominent  men  whom  he  had  with  him  from 
the  South,  besides  the  four  from  Carolina,  were 
Johnson  of  Kentucky,  Felix  Grundy  of  Tennessee, 
Barton  Key  of  Maryland,  Macon  of  North  Caro- 
lina, Forsyth  and  Crawford  of  Georgia,  and  Ran- 
dolph of  lloanoke,  now  an  old  man,  but  who  still 
dominated  the  House.  From  New  England  came 
Quincy,  the  leader  of  the  Federals,  and  Pickering 
of  the  "  Essex  Junto."     Grosvenor  of  New  York 


CONGRESS  89 

was  chief  speaker  from  the  Middle  States,  and  Sey- 
burt  of  Pennsylvania,  a  physician,  who  was  there- 
fore, Mr.  Lowndes  says,  nicknamed  "  the  Chemical 
Congressman."  These  were  the  leading  men,  gath- 
ered, as  the  Carolinians  firmly  believed,  to  shape 
their  country's  future  for  glory  or  disgrace. 

The  session  opened,  of  course,  with  the  appoint- 
ment of  committees,  and  it  is  said  that  the  Speaker 
was  "  somewhat  embarrassed  at  finding  upon  his 
hands  three  men  of  powers  so  entitled  to  recognition 
as  Mr.  Cheves,  Mr.  Lowndes,  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  all 
coming  from  one  State,  and  that  one  of  the  smallest 
in  the  Union."  However,  he  made  the  following 
appointments :  Mr.  Cheves  to  the  Naval  Commit- 
tee, Mr.  Lowndes  to  Commerce  and  Manufactures, 
and  Mr.  Calhoun  to  Foreign  Affairs ;  Mr.  Cheves 
being  chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee.  The  slow 
progress  of  affairs  was  very  trying  to  impatient 
spirits.  "  Our  politics  scarcely  move,  they  crawl," 
Mr.  Lowndes  writes  at  this  time.  Still,  the  first 
positive  word  is  given  in  the  next  letter  :  — 

Washington,  December  7,  1811. 
You  ask  whether  I  go  to  balls,  etc.  I  suppose 
they  do  not  think  it  cold  enough  for  balls,  for  I 
have  not  heard  of  any,  but  there  will,  I  think,  be 
no  probability  of  my  going  to  one  during  the  win- 
ter. I  have  never  derived  any  pleasure  from  seeing 
other  people  play  cards,  or  dance,  or  eat.  I  do  not 
like  the  entertainment  in  which  I  cannot  share, 
and  you  know  that  six  years  ago  I  thought  myself 
too  old  to  dance.  But  Mrs.  Madison's  levee  I  think 
I  shall  like  pretty  well.  I  have  not  yet  attended  it 
on  account  of  the  little  accident  I  mentioned  in 
one  of  my  earlier  letters  [his  horse  had  fallen  with 
him  and  bruised  his  face].  I  have  seen  the  great 
man   [President  Madison],  however,  and   had  an 


1)0  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

invitation  to  dine  with  him,  which  I  declined,  as 
1  did  not  consider  my  health  quite  established.  I 
am  to  dine  with  him  next  Tuesday,  and  if  there 
be  anything  very  peculiar  in  his  dinner,  I  will  set 
it  down  for  your  edification.  They  say  his  dinners 
are  not  very  good.  ...  I  can  answer  your  grand- 
mother's "  [Mrs.  Motte]  question  as  to  the  prob- 
able price  of  rice  during  the  winter,  on  authority 
much  better  than  my  own.  Mr.  Monroe  [Secre- 
tary of  State]  supped  with  us  last  night,  and  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  until  war  shall  be  actually 
declared,  flour  and  rice  will  sell  higher  than  if  war 
were  not  expected.  I  do  not  place  much  confi- 
dence in  this  opinion  myself,  but  you  may  learn 
from  it  at  least  how  familiar  we  are  with  the  great 
men  of  the  nation. 

As  to  your  "  symptoms  of  accommodation  with 
England,"  they  were  never  less.  Our  government 
has  not  sent  and  will  not  send  a  minister  to  nego- 
tiate on  our  present  differences  with  England. 
Nor  has  our  charge  d'affaires,  nor  will  he  have, 
directions  to  make  any  proposition  to  that  govern- 
ment. We  have,  indeed,  nothing  to  propose,  but 
England,  if  she  chooses  to  avoid  a  war,  may  pos- 
sibly repeal  her  Orders  in  Council.  On  this  it 
would  be  very  foolish  to  calculate,  and  without  it 
we  shall  certainly  have  war  before  the  close  of  the 
session.  There  did,  indeed,  at  one  time  prevail 
some  doubt  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  Administra- 
tion for  war,  but  Mr.  Monroe  has  given  the  strong- 
est assurances  that  the  President  will  cooperate 
zealously  with  Congress  in  declaring  war,  if  our 
complaints  are  not  redressed  by  May  next. 

In  the  next  letter  is  a  reference  to  what  was  to 
be  for  many  years  his  chief  thought :  the  condition 
of  the  navy,  at  that  time  a  neglected  and  unpopu- 


CONGRESS  91 

lar  branch  of  the  service.     It  is  to  Mrs.  Lowndes 
spending  her  Christmas  with  her  father  at  Santee. 

December  25. 

You  have  my  best  wishes  for  a  Merry  Christ- 
mas, although  the  expression  will  not  reach  you 
until  the  festivity  of  the  season  is  forgotten.  My 
Christmas  too,  or  at  least  this  Christmas  day  (for 
we  have  no  longer  holiday),  will  not  in  common 
opinion  be  a  dull  one,  as  it  will  be  spent  at  the 
French  Minister's  and  enlivened,  I  suppose,  with 
burgundy  and  champagne.  I  should  not  be  averse 
to  company  if  the  custom  of  the  place  permitted 
me  to  go  in  boots,  but  the  exposure  of  a  leg  unpro- 
tected by  flesh  or  leather  is,  in  this  windy  place,  an 
uncomfortable  thing.  ...  As  to  Pinckney  [his 
second  son]  being  a  sailor,  as  you  say  your  brother 
recommends,  I  have  but  one  objection,  and  I  still 
hope  that  that  will  be  surmounted  ;  I  mean  that  the 
prejudices  against  the  navy  here  are  such  as  to 
render  it  doubtful  if  he  can  ever  be  an  admiral.  I 
have  not,  therefore,  as  yet  applied  for  even  a  mid- 
shipman's warrant.  The  weather  here  is  now  very 
cold.  I  am  told  that  the  Potomac  was  frozen  in  a 
single  night.  Unluckily,  too,  our  coals  failed  us 
in  our  utmost  need.  The  boat  which  was  bringing 
them  sunk  in  the  river,  and  wood  in  a  grate  we 
found  but  a  bad  substitute.  I  cannot  say,  however, 
that  I  have  been  at  all  incommoded  by  the  severity 
of  the  weather,  although  the  old  members  say  they 
never  knew  it  greater.  It  is  luckily  clear  and  dry, 
but  the  wind  almost  takes  away  the  breath.  Al- 
though the  accommodations  here  are  better  than  I 
expected,  yet  the  comforts  of  a  city  are  such  in 
winter  that  I  think  I  shall  spend  the  next  (if  I 
come  here  at  all)  in  Georgetown. 


<>2  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

Looking  at  Washington  to-day,  it  is  curious  to 
think  of  leaving  it  for  Georgetown,  in  order  to 
secure  the  comforts  of  a  city,  lint  Washington 
was  then  only  a  straggling  village,  hardly  even 
deserving  its  nickname  of  the  "  city  of  magnificent 
distances."  Sir  .James  Jackson,  who  was  British 
Minister  in  1808,  said  in  the  "Bath  Archives," 
"  The  City  of  Washington  (as  they  call  it)  is  five 
miles  long,  the  scattered  houses  are  intersected  with 
woods,  heaths,  and  gravel  pits.  I  put  up  a  covey 
of  partridges  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the 
House  of  Congress,  yclept  the  Capitol."  He  says 
it  is  "more  like  Ilampstead  Heath  than  a  city," 
but  that  the  neighborhood  is  beautiful  and  he  ad- 
mires the  scenery  compassed  by  the  Potomac  and 
the  hills  about  it. 

The  new  year  opened  with  anxiety  both  public 
and  private. 

January  2,  1812. 

I  have  put  off  writing  my  letter  for  this  week 
so  long  that  it  may  serve  as  well  for  the  ensuing 
Sunday  as  the  last.  .  .  .  Although  I  have  had  no- 
thing to  do,  my  mind  has  been  anxiously  occupied 
within  a  few  days  by  the  business  of  the  House. 
I  had  great  fears  of  the  failure  of  a  measure  which 
seemed  to  me  important.  It  has  been  carried  by 
a  large  majority,  but  many  a  reluctant  vote  was 
given  in  its  favour.  I  am  now  in  better  spirits,  be- 
cause I  see  many  disposed,  and  many  obliged,  to 
vote  rightly.  ...  I  ought  not  to  have  gotten  so 
far  in  my  letter  without  thanking  you  for  the  in- 
formation you  have  given  me  in  respect  to  the 
Horse  Shoe.  The  loss  which  has  been  suffered, 
and  which  probably  will  be  still  greater,  is  of  the 
kind  the  most  distressing:.  ...  I  meant  to  have 
written    long    letters    to    the    overseers,   but   have 


CONGRESS  93 

given  up  the  plan  as  much  from  judgement  as  from 
laziness. 

This  alludes  to  an  epidemic  of  malignant  fever 
on  the  plantation,  which  Mrs.  Lowndes,  at  her  own 
imminent  risk,  had  gone  to  attend.  She  took  strong 
measures,  removed  the  people  from  their  custom- 
ary quarters  to  huts  hastily  built  in  the  high  pine- 
land,  changed  their  diet  (persuading  them  with 
great  difficulty  to  eat  mutton  broth),  stopped  the 
epidemic  at  last,  and  was  said  by  the  doctor  to 
have  saved  many  lives,  although  many  were  lost. 
In  the  letters  for  weeks  to  come  there  are  constant 
passages  on  the  subject,  Mr.  Lowndes  being  very 
anxious  on  her  own  account  as  well  as  about  his 
people.     The  letter  continues :  — 

"  The  dreadful  event  at  Richmond  "  [the  burn- 
ing of  the  theatre  on  the  26th  of  December,  1811], 
"  which,  living  as  we  do  here  among  the  friends 
and  relations  of  the  sufferers,  seems  to  be  nearer  to 
our  view  than  it  would  otherwise  be,  has  been,  I 
suppose,  particularly  described  in  the  newspapers. 
The  best  consolation,  it  seems  to  me,  which  the 
mind  can  feel  in  such  a  calamity  is  afforded  by  the 
instances  of  courage,  and  disinterestedness,  and 
affection,  which  in  this  case  were  very  distin- 
guished. Many  who  had  it  in  their  power  to  escape 
remained  with  their  families,  whom  they  could  not 
extricate.  One  gentleman  (Lieut.  Gibbon  of  the 
navy)  after  having  got  out  of  the  playhouse  re- 
turned to  endeavour  to  save  a  lady  to  whom  he 
was  attached,  but  who  was  engaged  to  be  married 
in  a  day  or  two  to  another." 

Notwithstanding  the  quiet  tone  of  these  letters, 
it  is  easy  to  see  the  anxiety  of  the  writer. 

He  and  his  colleagues  knew,  none  better,  that 
the   country   was  unprepared   for  war,   and    that 


94  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

every  day  not  spent  in  preparation  was  a  day  lost. 
The  state  of  the  navy  engaged  the  earnest  atten- 
tion of  Cheves  and  Lowndes.  This  greatest  of  the 
services  had  been  neglected  on  principle  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  considered  it  a  wanton  expense  and 
a  temptation  to  sinful  warfare.  He  had  indeed 
expressed  the  belief  that  all  that  was  needed  was  a 
few  small  vessels  to  look  after  the  Barbary  pirates, 
and  that  the  frigates  might  be  laid  up  in  the  east- 
ern branch  of  the  Potomac.  Over  the  Barbary 
pirates,  Preble,  Kodgers,  and  Decatur  had  gained 
signal  victories,  even  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  time,  but 
this,  the  sole  military  achievement  of  his  adminis- 
tration, had  not  made  him  more  favorable  to  the 
navy.  His  successor  had  followed  the  same  plan 
of  neglect,  and  it  was  difficult  to  repair  it  quickly. 

On  November  19,  1811,  Mr.  Cheves,  in  behalf 
of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  had  addressed 
a  note  to  Paul  Hamilton,  of  South  Carolina,  then 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  requesting  a  full  statement 
of  its  condition.  The  account  that  Mr.  Hamilton 
had  to  give  was  frightful. 

There  were  half  a  dozen  frigates,  several  gun- 
boats, all  in  bad  order,  hardly  any  stock  of  muni- 
tions, and  not  a  single  dry  dock.  The  vessels,  he 
said,  had  to  be  "  heaved  down,"  i.  e.  turned  over 
on  their  sides,  for  repairs.  It  was  not  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton's fault :  he  had  received  the  navy  in  this  condi- 
tion, and  Congress  would  vote  it  no  money.  How 
the  war  party  dared  throw  down  the  gage  of  battle 
with  the  fleet  in  this  state,  when  England  had  a 
thousand  ships,  God  and  their  own  stout  hearts 
only  knew.  .  .  .  This  correspondence  was  followed, 
on  January  18,  1812,  by  a  bill  brought  in  by  Mr. 
Cheves,  in  favor  of  appropriations  for  both  army 
and  navy,  advising  a  levy  of  two  millions  of  dollars 
and  possibly  ten  millions  more,  a  monstrous  sum 


CONGRESS  95 

according  to  the  ideas  of  that  day.  It  so  shocked 
the  Washington  correspondent  of  the  "  Charleston 
Courier  "  that  he  writes :  "  If  the  good  people  of 
South  Carolina  do  not  shortly  request  your  Cheves 
and  Williams  and  Lowndes,  notwithstanding  their 
abilities,  to  stay  at  home,  they  will  deserve  the  evils 
they  must  suffer." 

Mr.  Cheves  spoke  eloquently  in  support  of  his 
bill,  saying  proudly  that  he  did  so  "  irrespective  of 
party,  for  the  great  interests  of  the  nation,"  thus 
stating  the  policy  of  himself  and  his  colleagues  for 
the  coming  struggle. 

Little  opposition  was  made  to  the  grants  for  the 
army,  and  David  R.  Williams  for  the  military  com- 
mittee carried  through  the  bill  which  he  proposed. 
The  objections  made  to  the  navy  are  almost  incred- 
ible ;  the  debate  is  curious  reading.  Mr.  Sey- 
bert,  of  Pennsylvania,  declared  that  a  navy  was  a 
dangerous  thing,  and  brought  countries  to  ruin : 
Holland  and  Venice  had  fallen  because  they  had 
navies.  Mr.  McKee  thought  that  America  should 
have  none,  "  because  our  little  navy  has  already  con- 
tributed much  to  the  irritation  which  exists  between 
this  country  and  England."  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Ken- 
tucky, avowing  the  most  absolute  sectional  selfish- 
ness, said  that  great  difference  of  opinion  existed 
between  the  States  lying  upon  the  seaboard  and 
those  distant  from  it.  He  declared  a  navy  most 
dangerous  to  public  liberty,  much  more  so  than 
an  army ;  went  to  ancient  history  and  bewailed  the 
"  plunder  and  piracy  "  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  Crete, 
Rhodes,  Athens,  and  Carthage  ;  dreaded  that  the 
possession  of  a  navy  might  lead  the  United  States  to 
similar  deeds  ;  thought  commerce  could  exist  unpro- 
tected by  one,  but  recommended  letters  of  marque 
and  privateering,  probably  as  unconnected  with 
"  plunder  and  piracy  !  " 


9G  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

To  privateering  Mr.  Lowndes  was  uniformly  and 
strongly  opposed.  lie  had  already  given  his  vote 
against  permitting  merchant  vessels  to  arm,  when 
a  bill  to  that  effect  had  been  brought  in,  in  Decem- 
ber. It  had  been  carried  by  the  Federalist  vote  as 
profitable  to  the  New  England  shipping.  Now  Mr. 
Lowndes  spoke  his  convictions.  On  January  21, 
1812,  he  made  his  first  speech  in  support  of  Mr. 
Cheves's  motion,  and,  strange  to  say,  there  is  not  the 
least  allusion  to  it  in  the  letters  to  his  wife.  We 
can  only  conclude  that  those  letters,  being  of  more 
general  interest,  majr  have  been  put  into  the  parcel 
of  "  important  papers"  and  so  burned  ;  none  remain 
written  between  the  12th  and  lGth  of  January. 

Few  of  Mr.  Lowndes's  speeches  remain  except  in 
the  most  abridged  form.  Reporting  was  then  a  new 
art,  and  his  voice  was  so  low  that  often  members 
left  their  seats  and  crowded  round  to  hear  him. 
His  speech  was  never  written  out  beforehand  ;  a 
card  or  a  half  sheet  of  note-paper,  with  a  few  lines 
numbered  1,  2,  3,  etc.,  to  recall  to  him  the  heads  of 
his  proposed  address,  were  all  that  he  ever  used. 
Mr.  Benton,  in  his  "Thirty  Years  in  Congress,"  says 
that  only  one  speech  was  ever  prepared  by  him  for 
publication,  but  in  his  letters  he  speaks  of  another, 
and  two  in  manuscript  found  among  his  papers  (not 
in  his  own  handwriting)  were  probably  submitted 
for  his  approval.  This  first,  on  the  navy,  published 
in  the  "  Charleston  Courier,"  is  tolerably  full,  and 
I  give  some  extracts. 

"  The  honorable  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  who 
spoke  yesterday,  offered  objections  to  a  navy  which, 
if  they  were  well  founded,  would  supersede  all 
further  reasoning.  '  lie  opposes  a  Navy  now,  he 
will  oppose  it  forever.  It  would  produce  all  possi- 
ble evil  and  no  possible  good.  It  would  infallibly 
destroy  the  Constitution.'     Will  the  honorable  gen- 


CONGRESS  97 

tleman  tell  us  why  ?  How  ?  He  sees  the  clanger 
clearly,  will  he  explain  it  ?  An  ambitious  general 
might  corrupt  his  army  and  seize  the  capital,  but 
will  an  admiral  reduce  us  to  subjection  by  bring- 
ing his  ships  up  the  Potomac  ?  The  strongest  re- 
commendation of  a  navy  in  free  governments  has 
hitherto  been  supposed  to  be  that  it  was  capable  of 
defending  but  not  of  enslaving  its  country. 

"  The  honorable  gentleman  has  discovered  that 
this  is  a  vulgar  error.  'A  navy  is  really  much  more 
dangerous  to  liberty  than  an  army,'  etc.,  etc.  Yet 
there  is  a  view  in  which  this  question  of  a  navy  is 
closely  connected  with  the  Constitution.  That  Con- 
stitution was  founded  by  the  union  of  independent 
States,  that  the  strength  of  the  whole  might  be  em- 
ployed for  the  protection  of  every  part.  The  States 
were  not  ignorant  of  the  value  of  the  rights  which 
they  surrendered  to  the  general  goverment,  but  they 
expected  a  compensation  for  their  relinquishment  in 
the  increased  power  which  should  be  employed  for 
their  defense. 

"  Suppose  this  expectation  disappointed,  suppose 
the  harbor  of  New  York  blockaded  by  the  English 
seventy-fours.  The  commerce  of  that  city  (which 
exists  only  by  commerce)  destroyed,  the  protection 
of  the  general  government  claimed.  Your  whole 
navy  could  not  drive  these  seventy-fours  from  their 
station.  Would  the  brave  and  enterprising  people 
of  New  York  consent  to  see  their  capital  emptied 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  their  whole  country  beggared 
by  so  contemptible  a  force  ?  Their  own  exertions 
would  raise  a  fleet  which  would  drive  off  the  enemy 
and  restore  the  city  to  its  owners.  But  if  a  single 
State  shall  find  herself  able  to  raise  a  greater  fleet 
than  the  general  government  can  or  will  employ 
for  her  defense,  can  it  be  expected  that  she  will 
consider  that  government  essential  to  her  safety, 
entitled  to  her  obedience?  " 


98  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

He  goes  on  to  show  clearly  the  duties  of  the 
government,  sweeps  aside  the  comparisons  from 
ancient  history,  and  examines  those  from  modern  ; 
shows  that  Venice  fell,  not  from  possessing,  but 
from  neglecting,  her  navy  ;  points  to  the  long  pros- 
perity of  England,  and  her  fostering  care  of  her 
fleets ;  makes  elaborate  calculations  of  expense  (a 
bagatelle  to  the  sums  we  hear  of  now),  and  ends, 
looking  to  the  conclusion  of  the  war :  "  To  succeed 
in  negotiation  with  a  rival  people,  you  must  convince 
them  that  they  will  gain  as  much  as  you  by  the 
treaty  which  you  propose.  To  terminate  your  war 
with  England  honorably,  you  must  show  that  she 
will  lose  as  much  as  you  by  its  continuance.  But 
when  your  whole  trade,  your  foreign  and  your 
coasting  trade,  are  destroyed  (and  without  a  navy 
it  seems  to  me  that  they  must  be  destroyed),  what 
argument  would  your  most  dextrous  negotiator  em- 
ploy, to  show  that  the  loss  of  England  would  be 
equal  to  your  own,  from  the  continuance  of  the 
war?  What  equivalent  could  we  offer  her  for  the 
restoration  of  that  commerce  which  peace  would 
give  you?  I  know  not ;  but  if  the  resources  of  the 
country  be  employed  prudently,  economically,  vig- 
orously, in  the  acquisition  of  a  naval  force,  the  com- 
mand of  your  seas  obtained,  your  coasting  trade 
protected,  the  West  Indian  trade  of  your  enemies 
threatened,  then  indeed  you  may  negotiate  on  equal 
terms.  You  may  then  obtain  respect  for  your  flag 
without  sending  a  national  ship  into  every  sea  of 
Europe  and  Asia,  and  you  will  be  paid  in  return 
for  the  safety  which  peace  with  you  must  give  to 
the  trade  of  England  with  her  colonies.  Your  war 
will  then  have  been  honorable,  your  peace  will  be 
secure." 

These  selections  have  been  made  with  a  view  to 
showing,  as  much  as  possible,  the  line  of  thought 


CONGRESS  99 

which  pervades  Mr.  Lowndes's  public  utterances, 
—  which  seems  to  have  governed  his  life.  There 
is,  it  will  be  noticed,  not  one  single  appeal  to  the 
passions  of  his  audience,  no  invective  against  the 
enemy,  no  fiery  patriotism,  no  deification  of  naval 
glory  or  renown.  He  addresses  himself  immedi- 
ately to  the  questions  :  Do  we  need  this  defense  ? 
Is  it  the  best  that  we  can  employ  ?  Do  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  laws  justify  us  in  so  doing  ?  These 
are  the  points  which  all  through  his  career  engage 
his  attention.  What  is  expedient  ?  Is  the  expedi- 
ent right? 

Another  characteristic,  his  oft-quoted  courtesy, 
is  shown  in  the  speech,  but  not  in  the  extracts.  At 
one  point  Mr.  Seybert,  of  Pennsylvania,  interrupted 
him  to  make  some  explanation  of  his  own  previous 
remarks.  Mr.  Lowndes  on  resuming  said:  "  I  always 
hear  my  friend  with  pleasure  and  often  with  con- 
viction, but  on  this  occasion  am  forced  to  differ  with 
him." 

This  speech  placed  him,  it  is  said,  at  once  "  in 
the  foremost  rank  in  the  House,  and  satisfied  the 
expectations  of  his  friends." 

It  did  not,  however,  carry  its  object.  The  pre- 
judice against  the  navy,  as  an  aristocratic  institu- 
tion, the  tool  of  the  Administration,  was  too  strong. 
The  Republicans  who  had  voted  the  army  appropri- 
ation resisted  this,  and  Cheves,  Lowndes,  and  Cal- 
houn voted  against  them  with  the  Federals.  The 
House  gave  one  dock,  and  gunboats,  but  refused 
the  frigates  for  which  Cheves  pleaded.  It  was  ill 
preparing  to  fight  England  with  cockle-shells. 

From  this  time  to  the  end  of  the  session  I  find 
no  speech  of  any  length,  only  a  few  remarks  now 
and  then,  and  votes  always  in  support  of  the  war- 
like side.  The  legislators  waited  while  the  diplo- 
mats made  their  last  moves.  I  give  a  few  extracts 
from  the  letters  :  — 


100  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

January  26, 1812. 
The  session  has  now  lasted  three  months,  and  I 
suppose  you  must  begin  to  think  yourself  what 
they  call  in  Connecticut,  and  perhaps  elsewhere,  a 
"  widow  bewitched.'"  I  believe  I  have  not  told 
you  that  since  my  last  letter  I  have  been  to  an  as- 
sembly and  to  a  grand  ball  at  the  British  Minister's. 
To  the  assembly  I  went  in  the  most  agreeable 
manner  :  I  mean  half  an  hour  before  supper  with 
a  senator  of  the  mess,  Mr.  Bibb  (of  Kentucky), 
who  is  I  think  as  lazy  as  myself.  We  took  a  look 
at  the  ladies,  whom  you  may  be  sure  we  thought 
inferior  to  those  of  Carolina  and  Kentucky,  but 
when  supper  was  announced  I  was  disappointed  to 
find  that  a  third  only  of  the  party  could  sup  at  a 
time,  and  we  were  of  course  excluded  by  the  ladies. 
...  I  am  also  going  to  a  ball  at  the  French  Min- 
ister's to-morrow.  The  truth  is,  that  here  as  in 
Carolina  I  do  not  like  these  parties,  but  I  am  more 
ready  to  go  to  them,  because  I  do  not  like  home 
as  well  here  as  there.  I  begin  to  be  very  tired  of 
absence  from  my  family.  I  think  I  would  will- 
ingly have  the  trouble  of  putting  Pinckney  every 
night  to  bed,  if  I  could  have  him  to  play  with  dur- 
ing the  day.  For  want  of  him,  however,  a  little 
boy  of  Mrs.  Cheves's  comes  into  my  room  to  hear 
stories  and  make  boats,  so  that  when  I  return  to 
Carolina  the  boys  will  still  find  me  a  good  play- 
mate. 

February  9. 

As  our  mess  is  certainly  the  strongest  war  mess 
in  Congress,  we  excite,  I  believe,  not  a  little  sur- 
prise and  perhaps  some  suspicion  by  our  attending 
the  parties  of  Mr.  Foster  [the  British  Minister]. 
Mr.  Duane  [editor  of  the  "Aurora"],  they  say, 
means  to  give  a  list  of  all  those  who  attended 
on  the  Queen's  birthnight.     Our  whole  mess,  male 


CONGRESS  101 

and  female,  were  of  the  party,  so  that  you  will  see 
us  in  print.  But  we  have  committed  the  yet  more 
unpardonable  offense  of  inviting  him  (Mr.  Foster) 
to  dinner,  and  I  dare  say  some  of  the  papers  will 
consider  this  as  an  overt  act  of  treason. 

February  16,  1812. 

I  have  not  been  quite  as  gay  as  usual  for  the 
last  fortnight.  I  was  invited,  indeed,  during  that 
time  to  a  small  party,  as  the  note  expressed  it,  at 
which  I  am  told  there  were  180  persons,  but  I  felt 
too  lazy  to  go.  Mr.  Monroe  inquired  particularly 
after  your  health  and  your  father  and  sister's, 
when  I  first  saw  him,  and  very  politely  told  me  that 
Mrs.  Monroe  would  be  glad  to  see  me  on  account 
of  her  regard  for  you.  But  I  have  been  so  very 
lazy,  that  though  I  like  him,  from  the  little  I  have 
seen  of  him,  very  much,  I  have  been  rude  enough 
to  neglect  his  invitation  to  call,  although  I  did  not 
that  to  dine  with  him,  and  everybody  agrees  that 
he  gives  the  best  dinners  in  Washington. 

At  this  time  the  coming  event  cast  its  shadow 
so  markedly  that  there  are  frequent  allusions  to 
applications  for  commissions  in  the  army.  One  of 
these  was  from  Mr.  Lowndes's  nephew,  Lowndes 
Brown.  Mr.  Lowndes,  "  not  liking  to  ask  a  favor 
for  so  near  a  relation,"  gave  the  application  to  Mr. 
Cheves,  "  as  Brown  is  one  of  his  constituents,"  not 
without  some  not  unnatural  trepidation  as  to  what 
his  sister's  feelings  might  be  on  the  subject.  He 
was  relieved,  however,  for  in  the  same  letter  quoted 
above  he  says  :  — 

My  sister  bears  Lowndes's  plan  of  going  into 
the  army  much  better  than  I  expected.  She  says 
she  thwarted  him  in  one  of  his  plans  [that  of  be- 


102  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

coming  a  planter],  and  she  does  not  think  it  right 
to  object  to  this.  Yet  if  anything  unfortunate 
should  happen,  I  should  rather  not  have  been  the 
instrument  of  his  appointment. 

There  are  at  this  time  frequent  mentions  of  loss 
of  crops  from  storms  and  other  causes  that  try  the 
sold  of  the  planter,  but  Mr.  Lowndes  was  fortunate 
that  his  brother  James  lived  near  the  Horse  Shoe 
and  gave  kind  assistance  in  its  management.  The 
next  letter  alludes  to  an  often  discussed  but  never 
accomplished  plan,  of  moving  to  the  up  country. 
He  had  been  much  struck. by  the  health  and  other 
advantages  of  that  section,  and  thought  seriously 
of  settling  there.  Paris  Mountain  is  an  outlying 
spur  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  which  rises  suddenly  near 
Greenville,  S.  C. 

March  15. 

I  am  more  disposed  than  ever  to  get  a  place  in 
the  back  country.  But  I  prefer  Paris  Mountain  so 
much  to  any  other  place  that  I  have  seen,  that  1 
shall  make  no  purchase  until  I  hear  your  news  in 
regard  to  it  confirmed  or  contradicted.  The  labour 
of  our  negroes  will,  I  think,  be  unproductive  in 
war,  and  the  most  advantageous  employment  of 
them,  therefore,  must  be  in  the  improvement  of 
land.  The  spirited  planter  will  clear  and  ditch 
and  dam ;  but  as  I  am  not  a  spirited  planter  I 
should  be  satisfied  with  settling  myself  on  a  back- 
country  farm. 

"Washington,  March  2.'>d,  1812. 

It  is  still  as  doubtful  as  ever  when  we  shall  ad- 
journ. It  will  certainly  be  late  enough  to  make 
me  expect  to  find  you  at  the  Grove.  We  hear  from 
all  quarters  that  the  people  do  not  expect  war ;  I 
look  forward  with  great  uneasiness  to  the  shock 
which  an  unexpected  declaration  will  give  to  the 


CONGRESS  103 

mercantile  class.  Nothing  is  more  true  than  that, 
in  political  as  in  private  life,  popularity  should  be 
the  result,  and  not  the  object  of  our  measures.  No 
artificial  excitement  should  be  resorted  to  ;  yet  I 
am  much  afraid  that  in  the  present  state  of  the 
public  mind  the  slow  but  steady  approach  of  our 
government  to  war  is  unnoticed,  and  without  an 
embargo,  which  I  fear  will  not  be  resorted  to,  the 
war  at  its  commencement  must  be  necessarily  dis- 
astrous. My  politics  are  too  hastily  expressed  for 
any  ear  but  your  own.  There  is  much  to  disap- 
point us  at  Washington  ;  many  follies  which  we 
cannot  conceal  from  ourselves,  and  which  in  the 
present  state  of  the  country  we  cannot  with  pru- 
dence publicly  censure.  But  you  must  be  almost 
as  weary  of  politics  as  I  am. 

The  letter  of  the  next  week  was  to  convey  a 
piece  of  news  both  interesting  and  unexpected. 

March  28th,  1812. 
I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  have  got  to  Alderly 
[her  sister  Mrs.  F.  K.  Huger's  place  on  the  Wac- 
camaw  River],  where  I  dare  say  you  will  spend 
your  time  more  to  your  satisfaction  till  summer, 
than  you  could  do  anywhere  else.  As  to  your  ar- 
rangements for  going  to  Charleston  with  your 
father's  family,  the  news  from  this  place  may  per- 
haps affect  them.  You  have  probably  already 
heard  of  his  appointment  as  Major-General.  We 
are  afraid  here  that  he  may  not  accept.  There  was 
some  little  objection  in  the  Senate  to  the  confirma- 
tion of  his  appointment,  the  result  probably  of  that 
illiberality  of  faction  from  which  no  public  body 
can  be  expected  to  be  altogether  exempt.  The  op- 
position, however,  consisted,  I  believe,  of  one  or  two 
men  only,  and  even  as  good  a  Federalist  as  you  are 


104  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

will,  I  think,  allow  that  this  circumstance  (as  four 
fifths  of  the  Senate  are  Republicans)  is  honorable 
to  the  party.  The  universal  approbation  (without 
the  Senate  and  House)  which  the  appointment  has 
met  with  here,  —  the  gratification  which  it  has  af- 
forded to  the  present  officers,  and  the  high  testi- 
mony to  the  military  merits  of  your  father  which  it 
has  brought  forward  from  several  Revolutionary 
officers  (particularly  from  General  Lee  and  Colo- 
nel Hammond),  it  must  give  you  pleasure  to  hear, 
although  if  he  accept  the  commission  you  will,  I 
suppose,  regret  the  occasion.  You  will  let  me 
know  (if  you  hear  them)  his  plans. 

This  appointment  created  much  surprise,  for 
Major  Pinckney,  thus  created  Major-General  to 
command  the  Southern  States,  was  an  unswerving 
Federalist,  absolutely  identified  with  that  party. 
He  felt  this  so  strongly  that  he  proposed  to  decline 
the  appointment,  saying  that  "  the  views  of  the 
Administration  could  best  be  executed  by  those  in 
sympathy  with  it."  It  was  pointed  out  to  him, 
however,  that  the  war  would  surely  come,  when  it 
would  be  the  duty  of  every  man  of  whatever  opin- 
ion to  serve  his  country  to  the  best  of  his  ability, 
and  that  by  his  example  a  broad  and  patriotic  sen- 
timent would  be  encouraged  in  the  community.  He 
yielded,  not  very  willingly,  and  the  result  justified 
the  expectation  of  the  President,  for  the  nomina- 
tion was  received  with  pleasure  by  all  classes  in 
Carolina,  where  General  Pinckney  was  generally 
popular.  The  Southern  Federalists,  a  small  but 
influential  body,  were  pleased  that  one  of  their 
leading  members  should  be  so  distinguished,  and 
the  "  peace  Democrats,"  who  found  it  hard,  even  at 
the  instigation  of  their  brilliant  representatives,  to 
abandon  their  constant  policy,  were  pleased  that 


CONGRESS  105 

the  defense  of  their  homes  should  be  intrusted  to 
one  whom  they  had  long  known  and  trusted  and  in 
whose  knowledge  and  energy  they  believed.  At 
Washington,  the  appointment  gave  rise  to  a  report, 
that  under  the  influence  of  his  son-in-law  he  had 
become  a  Democrat.  An  amusing  idea,  since  Mr. 
Lowndes  used  to  complain  that  "  so  stubborn  were 
the  Pinckneys  that  he  had  never  been  able  to  con- 
vert his  own  wife,"  who  remained  an  unflinching 
Federalist  to  the  end. 

The  satisfaction  in  Charleston  was  shown  by 
addresses  of  congratulation,  etc.,  of  which  the 
papers  are  full.  One  very  touching  one  from  the 
veteran  comrades  of  the  Cincinnati  asks  that  he 
will  place  them  where  by  counsel,  at  least,  they 
may  serve  their  country. 

Mrs.  Lowndes  evidently  indulged  in  a  little  Fed- 
eral exultation,  for  her  husband  writes  :  — 

"  I  see  that  you  have  assumed  the  politician  as 
well  as  I,  and  as  I  make  your  father's  appointment 
the  subieet  of  praise  to  my  party,  you  make  the 
necessity  for  Federal  appointments  an  occasion  for 
sarcasm  against  the  party  that  you  are  opposed  to. 
Now  as  I  do  not  think  that  we  live  in  a  glass  house, 
I  have  no  objection  to  the  amusement  of  throwing 
stones.  To  be  serious,  however,  though  I  should 
abhor  the  persecution  which  would  exclude  from 
office  the  talents  or  virtues  of  any  party,  I  do  be- 
lieve that  what  is  called  the  Republican  party,  hav- 
ing so  large  a  proportion  of  the  population  of  the 
States,  has  enough  of  talents  and  of  virtue  to  serve 
the  country,  if  the  administration  knew  how  to 
select  and  employ  them.  There  is  certainly  some- 
thing to  be  dissatisfied  with  here.  I  feel  my  sit- 
uation a  very  unpleasant  one  ;  keep  this,  however, 
to  yourself.  As  to  my  going  into  the  army,  the 
mode  of  appointment  (really  by   the  delegation) 


10G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

made  it  awkward  for  me  to  apply.  I  have  regretted 
frequently  since,  however,  that  I  did  not  get  over 
the  scruple.  Yet  the  circumstances  which  render 
Washington  unpleasant  to  me  would  perhaps  have 
made  the  army  equally  so. 

"  The  newspapers,  which,  thanks  to  my  silence 
and  obscurity,  had  before  treated  me  civilly,  are 
now  beginning  a  pretty  lively  attack  on  me.  I  do 
not  know,  however,  anything  which  anybody  could 
consider  as  an  evil,  which  I  can  bear  with  more 
Philosophy,  or  rather  with  more  indifference.  The 
sentence  which  they  quote  against  me,  if  I  used  it 
(and  my  friends  here  say  that  I  did  not),  seems 
really  to  be  susceptible  of  the  construction  which 
they  give  it.  They  represent  me  as  being  implicitly 
governed  by  the  majority  of  my  own  party,  in  say- 
ing that  I  would  not  call  up  a  bill  which  I  had  sup- 
ported for  admitting  English  manufactures.  I  said 
that  I  would  not  do  it  unless  a  change  should  take 
place  in  the  opinions  of  a  majority  of  those  with 
whom  I  usually  acted.  I  had  before  said  that  I 
would  do  it  if  there  were  any  hope  of  its  passage, 
and  my  meaning  clearly  was  (and  my  friends  here 
say  my  words  were)  that  I  would  not  call  it  up 
to  provoke  unavailing  discussion. 

"  These  little  attacks  are  fair  enough  in  newspa- 
pers, and  the  caucus  principle  which  they  impute 
to  me  is  so  abominable,  that  I  should  have  deserved 
all  their  censure  if  I  had  adopted  it.  My  writing 
so  long  a  paragraph  on  this  subject  is,  however,  a 
bad  proof  (but  I  do  not  think  that  you  will  re- 
quire any)  of  my  indifference  to  it." 

This  idea  of  entering  the  army,  extraordinary  as 
it  seems  to  us,  wras  a  favorite  one  with  Mr.  Lowndes, 
lie  frequently  returns  to  it.  I  can  find  nothing 
of  the  newspaper  criticism  of  which  he  speaks  ex- 
cept the  following  from  the  "  Charleston  Courier  " 
(Federalist)  :  — 


CONGRESS  107 

Washington,  April  20th.  (Private  Correspondence.) 
The  Vice-President  died  this  morning.  Mr. 
Lowndes  took  occasion  to  say  that  he  should  not 
call  up  the  Importation  Bill,  as  he  had  no  expecta- 
tion that  it  could  be  carried  in  its  present  or  any 
amended  form.  I  drop  these  lines,  as  the  remarks 
of  Mr.  Lowndes  may  be  considered  of  much  impor- 
tance. 

If  there  is  any  hidden  sting  here,  it  is  at  least 
well  hidden. 

By  this  time  the  public  was  becoming  impatient 
of  the  long  delay,  and  accusations  were  not  lacking 
of  false  play  on  the  part  of  the  Cabinet.  Vacillation 
there  undoubtedly  was.  A  letter  to  the  "  Courier," 
signed  "  Virginia  Patriot,"  says,  on  April  24, 
1812 :  "  A  large  portion  of  the  present  members 
of  the  House  are  new  members,  almost  all  inexpe- 
rienced in  the  pitiful  contrivances  and  electioneer- 
ing intrigues  of  the  Cabinet.  Such  men  as  Mr. 
Calhoun,  Mr.  Lowndes,  Mr.  Cheves,  and  many 
others,  seriously  believed  the  Executive  in  earnest 
when  hostile  measures  were  recommended.  They 
see  very  differently  now,"  etc.,  etc.  (abuse  of  Mr. 
Madison  and  his  Cabinet). 

It  could  hardly  have  been  more  agreeable  to 
have  been  considered  such  a  dupe,  than  to  have 
been  accused  of  trickery  one's  self. 

These  various  annoyances,  and  the  weariness  of 
the  endless  talk,  found  relief  in  a  jaunt  to  Philadel- 
phia. 

Philadelphia,  April  29th,  1812. 

I  think  it  will  surprise  you  a  little  to  receive  a 
letter  from  me  dated  at  this  place.  It  was,  indeed, 
rather  a  foolish  plan  to  come  here.  I  had,  indeed, 
something  to  do  here,  and  this  is  the  reason  I  give 
for  coming  ;  but  I  could  have  done  it  as  well  by 


108  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

letter.  My  true  reason  was  a  wish  to  run  away 
from  Washington  and  its  politics.  I  came  here  on 
horseback,  in  three  clays,  which,  on  a  hard  trotting 
horse  like  mine,  is  good  riding.  I  shall  stay  two, 
and  take  three  to  return,  which,  as  I  set  off  and 
shall  return  on  Sunday,  will  make  one  Congressional 
week.  If  anything  in  which  one  vote  will  have 
been  of  consequence  shall  have  passed,  my  constit- 
uents I  suppose  will  quarrel  with  me  ;  but  I  had 
reason  to  think  that  I  might  leave  Washington 
safely,  and  perhaps  it  would  be  a  lucky  thing  for 
me  if  my  constituents  should  quarrel  with  me.  I 
have  just  returned  from  seeing,  but  I  ought  not  to 
tell  you  of  it,  a  famous  picture,  of  which  I  suppose 
you  have  heard,  by  Westmuller. 

It  is  the  picture,  in  a  very  licentious  taste 
(though  the  ladies  here  all  go  to  see  it),  of  Danae, 
with  a  shower  of  gold  breaking  into  her  apartment. 
The  gold,  and  the  bars,  and  the  absurdities  of 
pagan  mythology  are  kept  out  of  view,  and  the  at- 
tention is  absorbed  by  the  figure,  not  of  a  divinity, 
—  she  breathes  too  much  of  human  passion,  —  but 
of  an  exquisitely  beautiful  woman,  who  has  no  other 
dress  than  a  braid  of  pearls  for  her  hair.  I  do  not 
mean,  however,  to  give  you  a  description  of  this 
fascinating  picture,  for  though  it  may  do  you  no 
harm  to  read,  it  may  do  me  some  to  write  or  think 
of  it.  I  had  so  little  taste  as  to  think  that  if  the 
painter  had  given  her  a  little  drapery  (as  trans- 
parent as  he  pleased)  of  cambric  or  lace,  so  that 
she  might  have  thought  herself  covered,  the  effect  of 
the  picture  would  have  been  heightened.  .  .  .  You 
will  have  heard  of  the  failure  of  the  plan  for  a  re- 
cess [a  recess  of  Congress,  to  enable  the  members 
to  visit  their  homes].  ...  I  have  now  no  expecta- 
tion of  getting  away  before  the  expiration  of  the 
embargo   [the  3d  of  July].  ...  I  shall  then  have 


CONGRESS  109 

been  absent  more  than  ten  months,  and  shall  prob- 
ably not  be  able  to  spend  more  than  three  at 
home.  This  business  of  a  Congressman  is  cer- 
tainly fit  only  for  young  men  without  families  who 
are  fond  of  traveling.  They  would  have  more 
comfort,  and  I  believe  quite  as  much  wisdom  as 
we  have. 

Washington,  May  10th. 

Of  the  plans  of  our  Administration  I  know  no- 
thing, and  wish  to  know  nothing.  The  Committee 
of  Foreign  Relations  [Mr.  Calhoun,  chairman] 
say  that  we  may  get  away  in  the  first  half  of  June  ; 
and  I  dare  say  that  they  suppose  the  projects  of 
government  fully  formed  and  fully  communicated 
to  them.  I  still  think,  however  (though  not  from 
any  communication  with  those  who  are  in  the 
secret,  if  there  are  any  such),  that  the  chances  are 
that  we  shall  get  away  in  the  beginning  of  July. 

I  am  afraid  that  there  is  not  as  much  variety  in 
your  amusements  (at  Waccamaw)  as  in  mine. 
This  country  affords  pleasanter  rides  than  Wacca- 
maw or  even  Horse  Shoe.  I  went  yesterday  with 
a  large  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  see  the 
falls  of  the  Potomac,  ten  miles  off.  The  view  was 
a  pleasing  one  to  me,  who  had  never  seen  anything 
of  the  sort  before.  The  ride  was,  on  the  whole, 
pleasant,  but  I  met  with  a  disappointment  of  which 
I  ought  not,  for  the  credit  of  my  gallantry,  to  com- 
plain. The  party  was,  as  I  thought,  very  well  ar- 
ranged, five  ladies  and  six  gentlemen.  Now  as  I 
dislike  extremely  to  have  the  beauties  of  a  scene 
pointed  out  to  me,  and  as  I  knew  that  I  could  walk 
a  great  deal  faster  and  see  a  great  deal  more  alone 
than  in  company,  I  set  out  to  clamber  over  the 
rocks  by  myself. 

One  of  our  gentlemen,  however,  had  an  unlucky 
headache,  which  compelled  me  (not  a  little  reluc- 


110  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

tantly)  to  take  a  lady  (and  a  pretty  one,  too)  under 
my  protection.  I  like  company  very  well  in  a 
drawing-room,  but  with  ten  talkers  it  is  impossible 
to  feel  the  beauty  of  a  cataract. 

Mrs.  Lowndes  seems  to  have  been  scandalized 
by  the  "  Danae  ;  "  when  in  France,  she,  as  a  jeune 
fille,  had  probably  not  been  taken  to  see  such  pic- 
tures, for  Mr.  Lowndes  answers  — 

May  27th,  1812. 
I  think  that  you  were  not  in  quite  as  good  humour 
when  you  wrote  your  reflections  on  the  Philadelphia 
"  Danae  "  as  I  was  when  I  wrote  the  description. 
I  do  not  now  remember  what  I  said  about  her,  but 
there  is  a  matronly  gravity  in  your  style,  which 
makes  me  fear  that  your  disgust  towards  the 
painter  is  joined  to  some  little  displeasure  against 
the  describer  of  the  painting.  lie  must  be  strangely 
unreasonable  who  is  not  satisfied  that  his  wife 
should  now  and  then  scold  him  in  proof  of  her 
modesty.  And  though  I  do  not  require  such  a 
proof  of  yours,  yet  I  think  your  remarks  on  the 
painting,  on  the  ladies  who  visit  it,  and  the  sensual- 
ists who  admire  it,  perfectly  just,  and  in  a  lady  of 
Carolina  natural. 

The  picture  alluded  to  above  is  now  owned  by 
Mr.  Ileaton,  of  New  Haven,  Conn.,  and  is  said  by 
Miss  Wharton  in  her  recent  work  on  miniature 
painting  to  be  the  "  celebrated  Danae,"  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  examples  of  purity  in  the  nude 
composition  in  America.  "Autre  temps,  autre 
moeurs."  The  views  of  that  day  in  relation  to  art 
were  certainly  primitive,  for  Miss  Wharton  adds  : 
"The  English  artist  named  Pine  brought  with  him 
a  plaster  cast   of    the  '  Venus  de  Medici,'  which 


CONGRESS  111 

was  kept  shut  up  in  a  case,  and  only  shown  to  per- 
sons who  particularly  wished  to  see  it,  as  the  man- 
ners of  our  country  at  that  time  would  not  tolerate 
the  exhibition  of  such  a  figure." 

There  are  no  letters  between  this  of  May  27th 
and  June  28th,  which  strengthens  the  belief  that 
those  (even  to  his  wife)  of  public  interest  were 
burned,  for  in  this  interval  the  die  had  been  cast. 

It  is  well  known  now  that  there  was  reason  for 
suspecting  the  firmness  of  the  Cabinet,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  President.  But  his  first  term  of  office 
was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  there  were  doubts  of 
his  renomination.  Mr.  Clay,  the  most  important 
then  of  his  supporters,  speaking  in  the  name  of 
those  who  felt  with  him,  assured  Mr.  Madison,  in 
a  private  interview,  that  he  would  not  be  renomi- 
nated unless  he  gave  the  desired  pledge  of  support 
to  the  war  party.  The  President  yielded,  and  was 
named  in  the  Democratic  caucus.  Of  this  caucus 
the  "  Charleston  Courier "  of  May  30th  says,  that 
it  was  a  meeting  "  exclusively  Democratic  "  for  "  the 
Presidential  Hard  Scrabble,"  and  that  "  Messrs. 
D.  R.  Williams,  Cheves,  and  Lowndes  from  South 
Carolina,  and  Macon  of  North  Carolina,  all  Demo- 
crats, refused  to  attend  the  late  meeting  of  mem- 
bers of  Congress  to  nominate  a  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  improper,  inexpedient,  indelicate,  unconsti- 
tutional, and  a  monstrous  usurpation  of  the  rights 
of  the  people."  Things  are  differently  managed 
now.  Mr.  Lowndes's  expression,  "  the  caucus 
principle  which  they  impute  to  me  is  so  abomin- 
able," etc.,  has  been  already  quoted,  and  he  never 
changed  his  opinion  on  the  subject.  I  know  not  if 
it  is  to  this  caucus  that  the  memorandum  refers, 
but  among  the  few  notes  in  the  handwriting  of 
Mrs.  Lowndes  is, "  Mr.  Lowndes  never  would  at- 


112  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

tend  a  caucus,  deeming  them  unconstitutional.  On 
one  occasion,  being  pressed  to  do  so  by  Mr.  Cal- 
houn, he  answered,  '  No,  Calhoun,  I  shall  give  my 
views  in  the  House.'  "  Mr.  Benton,  in  his  ''Thirty 
Years  in  Congress,"  says  of  Mr.  Lowndes,  "  He 
never  would  use  any  party  machinery,  shrinking 
from  such  as  from  the  touch  of  contamination." 

The  support  of  the  Executive  being  thus  assured, 
Mr.  Calhoun,  for  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Rela- 
tions, brought  in  the  report  which  determined  the 
declaration  of  war.  The  report  might  have  been 
termed  the  formal  indictment  of  Great  Britain, 
being  a  grave  recital  of  the  wrongs  sustained  at  her 
hands  and  the  fruitless  efforts  for  redress.  There 
was  much  discussion.  The  representative  who 
should  declare  such  views  to-day  as  many  did  then 
would  not  hold  his  seat  for  half  an  hour.  One 
long-suffering  gentleman  protested  that  England 
was  not  so  bad  after  all,  as  she  had  only  taken 
ninety-three  seamen  out  of  our  ships  that  year  ! 

On  June  19,  1812,  war  was  formally  proclaimed. 
The  news,  as  Mr.  Lowndes  had  feared,  was  in  many 
places  received  with  profound  dissatisfaction.  The 
chief  cities  of  New  York  and  New  England  pro- 
tested against  it,  and  promised  no  support  to  the 
Administration.  The  South  had  by  this  time  become 
indignant,  and  in  Charleston,  where  the  opposition 
had  been  so  strong,  the  declaration  was  received 
with  unexpected  favor.  A  meeting  was  held  in 
St.  Michael's  church,  attended  by  all  the  princi- 
pal citizens,  with  Mr.  John  Julius  Pringle,  long 
Speaker  of  the  General  Assembly,  in  the  chair. 
Mr.  Pringle  was  then  the  leading  lawyer  of  the 
State,  and  all  men  knew  that  General  Washington 
himself  had  made  him  District  Attorney  of  South 
Carolina,  and  that  Jefferson  had  offered  him  the 
position  of  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States. 


CONGRESS  113 

His  opinion  Lad  great  weight.  The  meeting  passed 
resolutions  of  approbation  and  promised  loyal  sup- 
port to  the  government,  commending  at  the  same 
time  their  congressmen  for  the  position  which  they 
had  taken.  There  were  many  similar  expressions  of 
opinion  from  other  bodies.  On  June  the  28th  the 
weary  Representative  wrote  his  last  letter  for  the 
session. 

My  dear  Wife,  —  I  hope  that  this  will  be  the 
last  letter  which  you  will  receive  this  session  from 
me.  This  is  Sunday,  and  the  latest  day  that  is 
spoken  of  for  an  adjournment  is  to-morrow  week.  I 
shall  go  home  very  comfortably,  in  a  carriage  nearly 
as  light  as  our  volante,  with  a  very  good  pair  of 
horses  [bought  a  few  weeks  before  from  "  the 
Jerseys  "],  and  my  riding  horse,  which  draws  very 
well,  may  if  necessary  assist  the  carriage  horses. 
Mr.  Gaillard  [Senator  from  South  Carolina]  goes 
with  me.  We  hope  to  travel  between  forty  and 
fifty  miles  a  day. 

He  goes  on  to  explain  how  he  had  tried  to  get  a 
commission  in  the  army,  but  that  finding  that  it 
would  only  be  given  on  political  grounds,  and  would 
not  allow  of  active  service,  he  had  in  disgust  with- 
drawn the  application ;  he  adds  sorrowfully  (so  little 
do  even  the  wisest  men  know  what  is  best  for  them), 
"  Not  engaging  in  the  army  now,  I  must  give  up  all 
hope  of  ever  leaving  the  pursuit  of  civil  life.  To 
make  rice  in  Carolina  and  speeches  in  Washington 
must  be  the  narrow  limit  of  my  ambition.  .  .  . 
I  cannot  but  think  that  the  scheme  of  your  two 
brothers  to  take  their  sick  wives  under  the  guns  of 
Fort  Moultrie  [to  General  Pinckney's  summer 
home  on  Sullivan's  Island]   is  a  strange  one.     I 


114  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

certainly  think  an  attack  upon  the  fort  very  im- 
probable, but  many  an  alarm  may  be  given  by  the 
appearance  of  a  strange  sail.  .  .  .  After  receiv- 
ing this  letter  you  had  better  direct  none  to  me 
north  of  Fayetteville." 


CHAPTER  VI 

IN   WAR   TIME 
1812-1815 

This  being  the  biography  of  a  single  individual 
and  not  the  history  of  the  War  of  1812,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  give  an  account  of  the  various  small 
battles  and  skirmishes  of  those  poorly  conducted 
campaigns.  It  must  be  said  that  for  the  first  two 
years  things  went  badly.  Along  the  Canadian 
frontier,  where  the  fighting  was  done,  a  series  of 
blunders  and  mishaps,  often  caused  by  contradictory 
orders  and  unseemly  squabbles  between  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  and  his  generals,  brought  discredit 
upon  the  country.  There  was  very  little  military 
spirit ;  at  one  place  the  general  failed  his  men,  at 
another  the  men  would  not  support  their  general ; 
they  were  on  most  occasions  far  more  inclined  to 
lay  down  their  arms,  or  to  retreat,  than  to  fight 
to  the  death  like  the  men  whom  we  remember.  It 
was  not  until  the  sifting  power  of  events  had 
brought  good  men  —  Harrison,  Winfield  Scott,  etc. 
—  to  the  top  that  any  success  began. 

In  the  Southern  department  (which  at  first  in- 
cluded North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  the 
lands  west  of  them  to  the  Mississippi,  and  the  new 
State  of  Louisiana)  the  enemy  for  some  time  gave 
little  trouble.  General  Pinckney  did  the  best  he 
could  with  the  small  forces  at  his  command,  garri- 
soning and  fortifying  all  important  places  from  the 


110  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Virginia  to  the  Florida  line,  except  Port  Royal 
entrance,  which,  weak  from  its  own  magnificent 
proportions,  could  not  be  fortified.  The  largest 
guns  of  that  day  could  have  done  nothing  for  it. 
The  Florida  frontier  General  Pinckney  esteemed 
his  most  dangerous  quarter,  expecting  attack  thence, 
but  for  a  time  there  was  an  idea  that  Don  Onis, 
the  Spanish  governor  of  Florida,  might  "cede" 
that  province  to  the  United  States.  Very  soon 
after  his  return  to  Washington,  Mr.  Lowndes  wrote 
to  General  Pinckney  about  this. 

This  year  Mrs.  Lowndes  accompanied  her  hus- 
band, having  taken  a  house  in  Georgetown  for  the 
winter,  so  until  the  spring  the  letters  to  General 
Pinckney  are  the  only  ones  that  we  have. 

Georgetown,  November  27th,  1812. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  suppose  the  intentions  of 
Government  in  respect  to  Florida  may  have  been 
explained  to  you  before  this  by  Mr.  Monroe,  who 
speaks  of  having  lately  heard  from  you.  If  they 
have  not  (although  I  have  had  no  conversation  on 
this  or  any  other  political  subject  with  any  member 
of  the  Administration),  I  believe  that  I  am  enabled, 
by  the  report  of  persons  more  in  its  confidence,  to 
state  what  are  its  present  views.  No  attempt  will 
probably  be  made,  or  at  least  none  will  be  recom- 
mended by  the  President,  to  pass  a  law  authorizing 
the  occupation  of  Florida,  at  any  rate  before  Feb- 
ruary, and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  a  cession 
may  be  made  of  it,  by  Don  Onis,  before  that  time. 
I  have  no  doubt  that  Administration  expects  the 
cession,  although  if  Don  Onis  be  at  all  the  char- 
acter I  have  heard  him  represented  to  be,  he  will 
give  any  promises  to  induce  a  recognition  of  his 
authority,  without  the  influence,  and  perhaps  with- 
out much  anxiety  to  procure   their  performance. 


IN   WAR  TIME  117 

There  are  no  news  here  ;  the  case  of  the  merchants' 
bonds  has  been  reported  on,  but  their  fate  is  very 
doubtful. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Don  Onis  was  true  to 
his  character,  and  that  Florida  remained  to  Spain. 
A  letter  from  General  Pinckney  details  the  arrange- 
ments which  he  has  made  ;  the  small  assistance 
given  him  by  the  government :  "  No  gunboats  for 
the  protection  of  the  harbors  ;  and  ...  we  have 
not  on  the  whole  extent  of  this  frontier,  which 
is  600  miles  in  length,  a  singular  regular  officer 
above  the  grade  of  captain  except  at  Charleston, 
where  I  have  placed  Colonel  Drayton.  ...  As 
we  are  situated,  an  officer  of  the  militia  would  prob- 
ably take  the  command  at  any  other  place  than 
where  I  may  happen  to  be  at  the  time."  The  old 
gentleman  had  seen  the  rout  of  the  militia  at  Cam- 
den (where  he  had  been  severely  wounded),  and 
had  small  confidence  in  untrained  soldiers.  The 
worst  grievance  was  the  threatened  bill  for  making 
the  term  of  service  only  twelve  months,  — a  measure 
said  to  be  popular  with  all  except  the  officers,  who 
knew  the  impossibility  of  keeping  an  effective  army 
on  those  terms.  At  Point  Petre,  on  the  St.  Mary's 
River,  the  boundary  between  Georgia  and  Florida, 
he  had  collected  what  he  thought  a  sufficient  force, 
and  was  busy  drilling  the  men  and  fortifying  the 
position,  which  he  considered  a  good  one ;  but  how 
will  it  be  when  "  I  understand  that  the  term  of 
service  of  our  riflemen  is  nearly  expired,  and  that 
almost  all  who  are  here  must  be  discharged  in 
August  next"?  Mr.  Lowndes's  letters  show  how 
annoying  these  bids  for  popularity  are  to  his  sim- 
ple, straightforward  mind. 


118  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

Georgetown,  December  13,  1S12. 
I  am  sure  that  no  difficulty  on  the  subject  of 
your  letters  would  arise  from  the  committee  of  the 
House  to  which  I  belong  [the  Military,  to  which 
he  had  lately  been  assigned],  if  the  Executive 
Government  would  propose  its  plans,  or  give  us 
reason  to  believe  that  anything  that  we  could  do 
would  be  useful.  The  disposition  to  support  any 
plan  of  the  Administration  which  may  offer  the 
faintest  hope  of  giving  vigor  to  the  war  was  strongly 
proved  by  the  increase  of  pay,  which  a  majority  of 
the  committee  thought  to  be  injudicious,  but  which 
they  agreed  to  report  to  the  House,  in  compliance 
with  the  urgent  wishes  of  the  Cabinet,  which  was 
unanimous  in  its  favour  until  it  was  passed.  It  is 
impossible  that  any  advantage  can  arise  from  mea- 
sures forced  upon  them,  and  they  seem  to  me  to 
adopt  no  measure  voluntarily  from  which  they  do 
not  expect  an  effect  upon  the  elections,  or,  as  their 
phrase  is,  "  to  give  an  impulse  to  the  public  mind." 
Under  these  circumstances  the  situation  of  a  man 
who  has  voted  for  war  may  be  a  painful  one,  but 
his  duty  is  plain :  in  the  House  to  give  his  vote  for 
every  measure  which  may  enable  the  Administration 
to  conduct  the  war  successfully,  and  out  of  it  to 
avoid  as  much  as  possible  intercourse  and  connec- 
tion with  men  who  have  no  higher  object  than  to 
secure  their  places,  and  who  expect  to  effect  this 
object  by  "  management  "  at  home.  ...  In  appoint- 
ing committees  the  precaution  is  always  used,  and  it 
is  very  necessary  that  it  should  be,  of  securing  a  ma- 
jority of  each  in  favour  of  the  Cabinet,  and  in  prac- 
tice they  are  the  organs  through  which  the  schemes 
of  the  Administration  are  most  frequently  intro- 
duced to  the  House.  It  has,  I  suppose,  commonly 
happened  that  the  committees  have  been  ready  to 
adopt  whatever  has  been  proposed  to  them,  but  dur- 


IN   WAR  TIME  119 

ing  this  session  and  the  last  we  have  frequently  had 
to  regret  the  want  of  this  concurrence  of  opinion. 
In  respect  to  this  last  military  plan,  I  have  been  un- 
able to  convince  myself  as  one  member  of  the  com- 
mittee which  is  desired  to  report  it,  that  the  enlist- 
ments for  twelve-months'  men  can  be  wise  ;  but, 
anxious  not  to  embarrass  the  Administration,  I  have 
agreed  that  the  bill  should  be  reported,  although  I 
could  not  vote  for  it  in  the  House.  I  believe  that 
a  more  consistent  course  would  have  been  to  move 
the  substitution  of  some  other  member  in  my  place, 
but  I  should  wish  to  avoid  this  as  long  as  possible. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  loan  required 
for  the  next  year  will  be  twenty-three  millions  of 
dollars  at  least.  As  yet  we  have  appeared  much 
more  fruitful  in  expedients  for  spending  money 
than  for  raising  it. 

There  are  other  letters  much  to  the  same  effect. 
On  January  16th  he  writes  that  the  whole  army  bill 
has  been  carried,  although  "  there  were  not  half  a 
dozen  men  who  approved  it.  Every  one  was  sensible, 
however,  that  to  deny  to  the  Executive  the  means 
which  he  thought  necessary  to  carry  on  the  war 
would  be  a  measure  of  very  doubtful  propriety.  .  .  . 
It  was  fortunate  for  the  Administration,  or  at  least 
for  their  wishes  in  this  particular  measure,  that  the 
opposition  selected  it  as  the  occasion  of  a  general 
discussion  of  the  war,  its  causes,  and  the  necessity 
for  its  continuance.  The  vote  was  by  many  consid- 
ered a  vote  of  approbation  to  the  war,  rather  than 
to  the  measure." 

It  may  be  as  well  to  say  at  once  that  there  were 
no  important  actions  on  the  South  Atlantic  coast. 
The  enemy  did,  as  General  Pinckney  expected,  at- 
tack Point  Petre  on  the  St.  Mary's,  sending  fifteen 
hundred  men  in  boats  up  the  river  for  that  purpose  ; 


l'JO  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

but  the  fortifications  were  good,  and  the  garrison, 
under  an  old  Revolutionary  officer,  Major  Messias, 
made  so  brave  a  show,  that  the  English  concluded 
that  the  post  was  too  strong  to  be  carried  and  with- 
drew. They  also  threatened  the  little  town  of 
Beaufort,  some  distance  up  the  river  above  Port 
Royal ;  but  there,  too,  the  small  force  succeeded  in 
daunting  the  enemy,  who,  believing  its  numbers 
much  greater  than  they  really  were,  retreated. 
The  English,  however,  as  they  had  done  in  the 
Revolution,  entered  Port  Royal  and  the  many  un- 
guarded inlets  along  the  coast,  and  made  predatory 
attacks  on  the  coast  plantations  to  the  alarm  of  the 
inhabitants.  Many  allusions  to  these  are  in  Mr. 
Lowndes's  letters.  The  letters  also  show  constant 
efforts  to  procure  the  cannon  and  arms  and  money 
for  which  General  Pinckney  asked,  but  apparently 
with  very  little  success.  Money  was  indeed  becom- 
ing already  a  very  serious  question,  and  to  this  was 
due  the  debate  about  the  merchants'  bonds  already 
mentioned. 

As  early  as  November,  1812,  Mr.  Gallatin,  the 
very  able  Secretary,  looking  about  him  with  an 
empty  treasury  and  no  means  of  filling  it,  bethought 
himself  of  the  large  sums  then  at  hand  from  a  pe- 
culiar source.  During  the  long  negotiations  prior 
to  the  declaration  of  war,  America  had  said  that  if 
Great  Britain  would  rescind  her  Orders  in  Council 
she  woidd  withdraw  her  Non-Importation  Acts,  and 
there  should  be  peace  and  commerce  between  the 
countries.  After  long  hesitation  Great  Britain  did 
rescind  the  Orders  :  she  might  as  well  have  done  so 
long  before,  but  one  of  her  recent  historians  has 
whimsically  said  that  "  she  overlooked  the  provoca- 
tion that  she  gave."  It  was  certainly  not  for  want 
of  being  reminded  of  it  that  she  did  so,  as  the  long 
diplomatic  correspondence  shows.     Be  that  as  it 


IN  WAR   TIME  121 

may,  she  did  at  last  repeal  them,  and  the  merchants 
rushed  into  the  market  to  buy  and  ship  goods  to 
America.  It  was  not  for  American  purchase  only, 
but  to  be  reshipped  to  those  ports,  "  under  French 
influence,"  where  England  herself  could  not  trade. 

In  the  mean  while,  four  days  before  the  repeal  of 
the  orders,  on  the  19th  of  June,  war  had  been  for- 
mally declared  at  Washington.  Not  until  Septem- 
ber was  the  news  received  and  an  answering  declara- 
tion proclaimed  at  London.  For  the  intervening  two 
months,  richly  laden  vessels  had  been  daily  sent 
across  the  seas  to  the  American  ports.  On  arriving, 
the  American  acts  being  still  in  force,  the  goods 
were  seized  and  sold.  Five  millions  of  dollars,  and 
bonds  worth  eighteen  millions  more,  were  in  charge 
of  the  treasury,  but  had  not  been  confiscated,  for 
the  purchases  had  been  made  in  good  faith,  and 
the  matter  had  not  been  adjudicated.  Mr.  Gallatin 
now  proposed  that  the  government  should,  as  a  pen- 
alty, confiscate  the  five  millions,  seizing  it  as  the 
fine  due  under  the  act.  He  sent  this  proposition 
to  Langdon  Cheves,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  to  whose  necessities  it  must 
have  seemed  like  water  in  a  thirsty  land.  The 
need  was  sore,  the  temptation  great,  and  technically, 
perhaps,  the  plan  was  legal.  But  Mr.  Cheves, 
though  seeing  the  help  that  five  millions  would  be 
to  a  depleted  treasury,  could  not  in  conscience  re- 
commend it  to  the  House.  He  was  in  the  same 
predicament  as  the  Military  Committee  mentioned 
in  the  last  given  letter.  He  stated  the  plan  to  the 
House,  su^jjested  that  it  should  be  referred  back  to 
the  department,  warned  the  House  that  it  should 
not  without  extreme  consideration  put  its  hands  into 
private  pockets,  and  withheld  all  further  advice. 

There  was  much  difference  of  opinion.  Gallatin, 
a  just  man,  thought  it  a  perfectly  justifiable  mea- 


122  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

sure,  and  many  agreed  with  him.  Mr.  Calhoun 
spoke  strongly  against  the  bill,  and  Mr.  Lowndes 
is  said  to  have  done  so  also.  I  can  find  no  mention 
of  this  speech  in  the  "  Abridged  Debates,"  but 
Mr.  Henry  Adams  (whom  I  have  quoted  before) 
says :  "  Lowndes  fortified  Calhoun's  position  by 
showing,  that  '  if  the  plan  of  confiscation,  and  of  a 
rigid  execution  of  the  law  were  dismissed,  no  just 
principles  of  policy,  not  even  the  interests  of  the 
treasury,  could  justify  an  exaction  which  would 
resolve  itself  into  a  tax.'  '  I  have  told  this  long 
story  chiefly  to  be  able  to  introduce  the  first  of  the 
many  compliments  which  from  this  time  forth  were 
frequently  paid  to  Mr.  Lowndes  by  his  fellow 
members  in  debate,  which  show  the  impression 
made  by  him  upon  his  contemporaries.  Mr.  Gros- 
venor,  of  New  York,  speaking  March  2,  1813, 
says : — 

"  I  shall  not  enter  into  any  argument  to  show  the 
impolicy,  the  injustice,  the  danger  of  such  a  mea- 
sure ;  that  task  has  been  most  ably  and  successfully 
performed  by  an  honorable  gentlemen  from  South 
Carolina  (Mr.  Lowndes).  He  has  shown  that, 
connected  with  the  maritime  power  of  the  enemy, 
and  with  other  bills  already  passed  this  House,  this 
measure  has  all  the  blasting  qualities,  without  even 
the  few  equivocal  benefits  of  a  broad  restrictive 
system.  And  he  has  demonstrated  the  irreparable 
mischief  which  must  result  from  such  weak  and 
mongrel  measures.  His  reasoning  has  not  been 
met ;  it  cannot  be  refuted.  I  will  not  weaken  its 
effect  on  the  House  by  attempting  to  enforce  it." 

Finally  a  bill  was  sent  down  from  the  Senate 
remitting  all  penalties  on  goods  owned  by  Ameri- 
cans and  shipped  from  England  before  September 
the  15th,  when  the  declaration  of  war  was  pub- 
lished there.     It  was  carried  in  the  House  by  the 


IN   WAR  TIME  123 

votes  of  Cheves,  Lowndes,  and  Calhoun,  who,  voting 
with  the  Federalists,  gave  them  the  narrow  major- 
ity of  three  which  turned  the  scale.  This  proceed- 
ing so  amazed  their  party  that  Felix  Grundy,  of 
Tennessee,  complained  :  "  Gentlemen  have  assumed 
a  strange  high-minded  position  in  this  argument, 
the  force  of  which  is,  I  confess,  beyond  my  com- 
prehension." 

To  a  strict  party  man  it  must  have  been  bewil- 
dering ;  but  the  strength  of  these  men  lay  largely 
in  the  fact  that  they  were  thinking,  not  of  their 
party,  but  of  their  country.  To  them  it  did  not 
matter  what  a  policy  was  called,  or  by  whom  pro- 
posed, so  that  to  their  judgment  it  was  right. 
And  so,  when  occasion  came,  they  threw  their 
weight  now  to  this  side,  now  to  that,  voting  some- 
times with  the  Federalists,  sometimes  with  the 
Republicans,  caring  most  for  the  character  of  the 
country. 

The  sentiment  was  short-lived  perhaps  ;  perhaps 
it  could  only  have  existed  in  the  presence  of  a 
foreign  foe,  but  it  was  beautiful  while  it  lasted, 
"  when  none  was  for  a  party,  and  all  were  for  the 
state." 

They  had  in  them  that  pure  element  of  enthusi- 
asm which,  not  stopping  to  count  the  cost,  or  think- 
ing of  individual  interest,  insisted,  as  upon  a  right, 
on  what  was  noble,  just,  and  honest. 

Calhoun  struck  the  note  when  he  said,  early  in 
1813:  — 

"  Our  union  cannot  exist  on  the  cold  calculations 
of  interest  alone,  it  is  too  weak  to  withstand  politi- 
cal convulsions  ;  we  cannot  without  hazard  neglect 
that  which  makes  a  man  love  to  be  a  member  of 
an  extensive  community,  the  love  of  greatness,  the 
consciousness  of  strength." 

The  failure   of  this  plan    (viz.   the  merchants' 


124  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

bonds)  had  the  unfortunate  effect  of  causing  the 
resignation  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  the  ablest  financier 
(with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  Robert  Morris) 
whom  the  country  had  ever  produced.  He  knew 
that  there  was  an  absurd  prejudice  against  him 
because  of  his  foreign  birth,  and  conceiving  the  re- 
jection of  the  bill  as  a  censure  upon  himself,  he 
insisted  on  resigning.  Many  considered  this  resig- 
nation, in  the  then  troubled  condition  of  affairs,  as 
that  of  a  soldier  in  front  of  the  enemy,  — that  is,  as 
desertion,  —  and  he  was  much  abused  in  conse- 
quence. The  first  letter  to  Mrs.  Lowndes,  after  her 
return  home  in  June,  alludes  to  this,  and  to  a  most 
distressing  event. 

Washington,  June  7th,  1813. 

As  yet,  my  dear  wife,  our  weather  is  very  plea- 
sant, and  I  hope  your  journey  to  the  Grove  will 
have  been  less  painful  than  I  thought  you  had 
reason  to  expect.  I  believe  that  your  father  will 
spend  this  summer  upon  Sullivan's  Island,  as  I 
learn  that  the  camp  at  St.  Mary's  is  to  be  broken 
up  and  the  troops  dispersed  along  the  coast.  AVe 
have  just  heard  news  from  the  land  and  the  water, 
of  victory  and  of  most  unexpected  defeat.  But 
the  success  at  Fort  George  cannot  compensate  us,  — 
at  least  cannot  reconcile  us  to  the  capture  of  the 
Chesapeake.  There  are  still  persons,  however,  who 
disbelieve  the  afflicting  narrative  ;  but  I  cannot  see 
any  opening  for  doubt. 

The  length  of  the  session  will  depend  very  much 
upon  the  disposition  of  the  Federal  gentlemen  to 
enter  into  the  discussion  of  the  general  question  of 
war.  If  they  waive  it  and  confine  themselves  to 
the  question  of  finance,  I  yet  think  we  may  get 
away  by  the  15th  of  July,  but  I  have  little  hope  of 
their  taking  this  course.  We  have  a  hundred  new 
members  eager  to   break   a  lance,  and   nearly  as 


IN   WAR  TIME  125 

many  old  ones  who  will  talk  from  habit  if  they 
have  nothing  to  say.  For  myself,  unless  it  shall 
be  proposed  to  shoot  Mr.  Gallatin  for  desertion,  I 
shall  maintain  my  accustomed  silence  during  the 
session. 

The  bad  news  of  the  Chesapeake  was  but  too 
true.  The  only  satisfaction  hitherto  since  the 
beginning  of  the  war  had  been  the  naval  victories  ; 
no  one  had  expected  to  cope  with  England  on  the 
sea,  and  the  elation  was  the  greater  for  the  surprise. 

When  Lawrence,  in  the  Hornet,  captured  the 
Peacock,  men  felt  that  the  murders  of  the  Chesa- 
peake were  avenged ;  unhappily,  Lawrence,  in  the 
same  ill-fated  Chesapeake,  went  out  to  meet  the 
Shannon,  and  met  more  than  his  match.  The 
Chesapeake  was,  as  the  sailors  say,  "  ill  found," 
and  the  Shannon,  under  the  gallant  Broke,  was 
in  splendid  fighting  trim.  Lawrence  and  many  of 
his  men  were  killed,  and,  in  spite  of  his  dying  cry, 
which  has  become  almost  a  proverb,  the  ship  was 
given  up.  It  was  the  first  great  reverse  at  sea,  and 
a  severe  one,  for  there  were  so  few  frigates. 

I  give  a  few  sentences  from  the  other  letters  of 
this  session  (1813),  most  of  them  on  the  danger 
of  attacks  by  the  English  vessels  already  mentioned, 
and  on  the  unnecessary  talking  in  Congress,  written 
with  annoyance  worthy  of  Carlyle. 

Washington,  June  23d,  1813. 
At  last,  my  dear  wife,  we  have  the  tax  bills  be- 
fore us.  We  got  yesterday  half  through  one  of 
them,  and  if  all  general  discussion  be  avoided,  if 
we  say  nothing  on  either  side  of  the  origin  of  the 
war,  do  not  accuse  of  moral  murder,  or  recrimi- 
nate by  charge  of  moral  treason,  we  may,  I  think, 
adjourn  in  a  month.     You   may  readily    suppose 


12G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

me  anxious  for  the  event,  for  the  present  state  of 
our  polities  makes  me  at  once  inactive  and  restless. 
Besides  ordinary  motives,  too,  I  never  felt  the 
same  anxiety  for  a  crop,  and  it  never  indeed  was 
so  absolutely  necessary.  .  .  .  Tell  Mrs.  Brown 
[his  sister]  that  we  have  here  from  New  York  a 
Connecticut  man,  Oakley,  a  great  favourite  of 
Dr.  Dwight,  who  has  given  us  one  of  the  best 
speeches  I  ever  heard.  The  papers  of  his  own  side 
mention  it  only  as  a  good  speech,  but  I  believe  that 
every  man  in  the  House  who  can  be  considered  in 
any  degree  capable  of  judging  (whatever  may  be 
his  party)  considers  him  as  raising  Connecticut  to 
the  highest  form  on  our  floor.  I  know  she  loves 
to  hear  the  praise  of  Connecticut,  and  for  my  part 
I  can  praise  merit  wherever  I  find  it. 

A  little  later  Mr.  Lowndes  writes  :  — 
"  I  am  very  sorry  that  your  mother  has  decided  to 
spend  the  summer  on  the  Island.  I  have  thought 
hitherto  that  the  objection  to  staying  there  was  the 
danger  of  being  frightened,  rather  than  that  of 
being  hurt.  But  now  I  should  not  be  surprised  at 
the  English  landing  on  the  Island.  They  seem  to 
have  adopted  the  plan  of  alarming  us  by  debarka- 
tions, doubtless  to  prevent  reinforcements  being  sent 
to  the  North  as  well  as  to  increase  the  expense  and 
unpopularity  of  the  war.  They  have  lately  landed 
a  considerable  force  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nor- 
folk, and  I  really  do  not  see  why  they  might  not 
land  one  near  forts  Moultrie  or  Johnson." 

These  little  invasions  were  doubtless  annoying, 
but  the  blockade  which  the  British  had  established 
from  New  York  to  Darien  was  still  more  so,  and 
the  "  pocket  pinch  "  was  already  beginning  to  be 
felt.  Only  the  New  England  ports  were  open, 
for  in  order  to  foster  the  well  known  disaffection 


IN   WAR   TIME  127 

there,  Boston,  Salem,  etc.,  were  not  only  left  free 
by  Great  Britain,  but  the  West  Indies  were  li- 
censed to  trade  with  them,  as  a  reward  for  their 
friendship.  By  some  curious  process  of  reasoning1, 
their  merchants  persuaded  themselves  that,  as  they 
thought  the  war  unjust,  they  might  "  religiously 
and  morally "  give  aid  and  comfort,  and  derive 
profit,  by  trading  with  the  enemy.  So  they  sent 
droves  of  cattle  and  wagons  of  provisions  to  the 
Canadian  frontier,  and  victualed  the  British  ships 
whenever  they  got  a  chance  ;  much  as  if  in  June, 
1898,  Florida  had  sent  food  to  General  Blanco,  or 
supplied  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Cervera. 

Their  bias  was  yet  more  clearly  shown  by  the 
notice  which  Decatur  declared  they  gave  of  his 
movements  to  the  enemy.  Having  put  into  the 
port  of  New  London  for  repairs,  he  was  kept  there 
for  months,  for  whenever  he  proposed  to  steal  out, 
blue  lights  and  other  signals  told  the  watchful 
Englishmen  of  his  design,  and  he  was  forced  to 
remain  inactive.  There  was  great  reason  to  fear 
that  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  would  openly 
declare  for  England. 

From  New  York  to  Georgia,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  blockade  was  strict.  Planters  and  merchants 
could  sell  nothing  ;  rice  in  Charleston  and  Savan- 
nah sold  for  three  dollars  a  hundred,  and  cotton  at 
nine  cents  a  pound,  while  in  Boston  they  brought 
twelve  dollars,  and  twenty  cents,  respectively.  Im- 
ports were  the  other  way.  Sugar  was  eighteen 
dollars  at  Boston  and  twenty-six  at  Baltimore.  It 
was  a  matter  of  endurance  for  principle,  and  was 
borne  patiently. 

To  this  state  of  things  the  Administration  put 
on  an  embargo,  primarily  intended  to  check  this 
treasonable  trade,  but  in  1814  Calhoun  brought  in 
a  bill  to  repeal  it,  embargoes  and  non-importation 


128  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

acts  being  against  the  Carolinian  creed.  It  was 
better  for  the  interests  of  the  treasury  that  one 
part  of  the  Union,  at  least,  should  be  prosperous 
and  have  customs  to  pay,  than  that  all  should  fail 
alike.  Lowndes  supported  Calhoun's  bill,  and  it 
was  carried ;  but  it  brought  them  into  opposition 
with  the  government,  for  Madison  and  his  Cabinet 
had  inherited  the  "  commercial  restriction  "  policy, 
and  it  went  hard  with  them  to  give  it  up. 

Some  of  the  devices  resorted  to  at  the  South  to 
help  the  poor  to  help  themselves  remind  one  of 
the  efforts  of  the  Irish  ladies  during  the  great 
famine,  as  the  following  taken  from  the  "  Charleston 
Courier :  "  — 

"  Donations  of  cotton  will  be  thankfully  received 
by  the  Ladies'  Benevolent  Society,  for  the  purpose 
of  employing  indigent  women  in  spinning,  who 
cannot  at  this  time  obtain  a  sufficiency  of  work  to 
earn  a  subsistence.     Jan.  12,  1814." 

For  the  public  service,  and  fortifications,  too, 
money  had  to  be  raised,  as  this  letter  shows. 

"  On  reading  your  letter  over  I  observe  that  you 
have  determined  to  subscribe  rather  labour  than 
produce  or  money.  I  believe  that  you  have  deter- 
mined correctly,  but  I  would  much  rather  err  on 
the  side  of  liberality  than  of  penuriousness,  and  if 
many  people  have  subscribed  produce,  and  my  sub- 
scription of  labour  is  not  already  among  the  most 
liberal,  I  should  wish  to  add  fifty  barrels  of  rice  to 
my  subscription.  If  there  be  no  peace,  the  rice,  if 
I  keep  it,  will  be  without  value,  and  if  there  be 
peace,  I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  get  along  without 
it." 

This  letter,  however,  was  not  written  until  spring, 
and  in  January,  1814,  Mr.  Lowndes  had  the  great 
pleasure  of  moving  a  vote  of  thanks  and  praise  to 


IN   WAR  TIME  129 

many  gallant  sailors,  living  and  dead.  He  was  at 
this  time  chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee,  and  so 
had  the  right  to  present  it,  and  the  navy  was  al- 
ways, as  has  been  said,  his  dearest  care. 

To  Lawrence,  thanks  for  the  capture  of  the  Pea- 
cock were  mingled  with  mourning  for  his  death 
on  the  Chesapeake,  so  quickly  had  the  actions  suc- 
ceeded each  other.  Congress  voted  a  gold  medal 
to  each  of  his  surviving  officers.  Mr.  Lowndes  in 
support  of  this  resolution  said  :  — 

"  I  should  be  inexcusable  if  I  were  long  to  detain 
the  committee  from  the  vote  —  I  hope  the  unani- 
mous vote  —  which  they  are  prepared  to  give  upon 
the  resolutions.  The  victories  to  which  they  refer 
are  indeed  of  unequal  magnitude  and  importance  ; 
but  the  least  important  of  them,  if  it  had  been  ob- 
tained by  the  subjects  of  any  nation  on  the  conti- 
nent of  Europe,  would  have  been  heard  with  ad- 
miration and  rewarded  with  munificence." 

He  spoke  of  each  battle,  and  enumerated  the  offi- 
cers concerned  in  it  with  care ;  dwelling  peculiarly 
on  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie  by  Perry,  from  which 
he  hoped  that  the  House  would  learn  a  lesson  fa- 
vorable to  his  great  desire, — large  ships  and  fleets. 
The  other  sea  fights  had  been  by  single  ships,  but 
Commodore  Perry's  little  fleet,  built  by  himself 
from  the  forests  around,  had  achieved  so  much,  — 
the  safety  of  northern  New  York,  and  the  opportu- 
nity given  to  General  Harrison  to  repulse  the  In- 
dians without  an  English  army  in  his  rear,  —  that 
it  was  easy  to  point  out  the  value  of  concerted 
action.  He  eloquently  praised  the  courage  and 
daring,  and  the  "  fertility  of  resource,"  which  had 
changed  almost  certain  defeat  to  victory,  and  con- 
cluded :  "  Captain  Perry  and  his  gallant  associates 
have  not  only  given  us  victory  in  one  quarter,  but 
shown  us  how  to  obtain  it  in  another  yet  more  im- 


130  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

portant.  How  deep  is  now  the  impression  on  every 
mind  that  we  want  but  ships  to  give  our  fleet  on  the 
Atlantic  the  success  which  has  hitherto  attended 
our  single  vessels.  We  want  but  ships.  We  want 
then  but  time.  Never  had  a  nation  when  first 
obliged  to  engage  in  the  defense  of  naval  rights  by 
naval  means,  —  never  had  such  a  nation  the  advan- 
tages or  the  success  of  ours.  .  .  .  To  such  men  we 
can  do  no  honour.  All  records  of  the  present  time 
must  be  lost,  history  must  be  a  fable  or  a  blank,  or 
their  fame  is  secure.  To  the  naval  character  of 
the  country  our  votes  can  do  no  honour,  but  we 
may  secure  ourselves  from  the  imputation  of  insen- 
sibility to  its  merit ;  we  can  at  least  express  our 
admiration  and  our  gratitude." 

Mr.  Chase  says  of  this  speech  that  "  it  was  re- 
ceived and  read  with  enthusiasm  in  every  part  of 
the  country,"  and  that  "  it  deserves  especial  atten- 
tion from  the  extensive  popularity  that  it  gave  to 
its  author."  The  approbation,  however,  was  not 
universal,  for  Mr.  Quincy  declared,  speaking  of 
the  action  of  the  Peacock  and  the  Hornet :  — 

"  It  is  not  becoming  a  moral  and  religious  people 
to  express  any  admiration  of  military  or  naval  ex- 
ploits which  are  not  immediately  connected  with 
the  defense  of  our  seacoast  or  soil."  To  how  many 
maritime  leagues  of  distance  should  our  fleets  be 
limited  ? 

Soon  after  this  Mrs.  Lowndes  joined  her  hus- 
band in  Washington,  and  there  are  therefore  no 
more  letters  to  her  to  the  end  of  the  session.  It 
may  as  well  be  said  here  that  notwithstanding  the 
fatigue  of  the  long  journey  with  three  little  chil- 
dren, the  difficulties  of  housekeeping,  etc.,  she  en- 
joyed the  Washington  life  on  the  whole.  Besides 
the  privilege  of  being  with  her  husband  and  watch- 
ing over  his  health,  she  liked  the  varied  society. 


IN  WAR  TIME  131 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Monroe,  whom  she  had  known  in 
her  girlhood  when  abroad  with  her  father,  received 
her  most  kindly,  and  introduced  her  at  once  to  all 
that  was  best.  An  exceedingly  quiet  and  reserved 
person,  she  yet  took  her  part  becomingly,  and  par- 
ticularly liked  the  foreign  element  which  already 
began  to  give  a  cosmopolitan  tone  to  "  the  capital." 
She  spoke  French  fluently,  and  Italian  tolerably, 
accomplishments  rarer  then  and  more  esteemed  than 
now,  and  this  made  her  society  agreeable  to  stran- 
gers. With  the  wife  of  the  French  Minister,  Ma- 
dame la  Baronne  Hyde  de  Neuf  ville,  a  very  charm- 
ing woman,  she  became  intimate,  and  corresponded 
for  years.  A  much  greater  aid  and  comfort  was 
the  friendship  of  Mrs.  Langdon  Cheves,  the  wife 
of  her  husband's  colleague  and  friend.  Mrs. 
Cheves,  a  woman  whose  great  beauty  adorned  an 
admirable  character,  had  preceded  Mrs.  Lowndes 
in  Washington  by  some  years,  and  could  give  many 
useful  hints.  The  two  Carolina  ladies  held  together, 
as  their  husbands  did,  to  the  same  advantage,  as 
their  letters  and  notes  testify.  Now  sympathizing 
over  domestic  difficulties,  now  lamenting  the  pranks 
of  their  schoolboys,  now  offering  help  in  entertain- 
ments, and  now  planning  to  buy  together  and  di- 
vide "a  bolt  of  nankin,  which  is  cheap  by  the 
piece,  and  will  be  a  great  help  for  the  boys,"  viz. 
for  their  trousers.  Mr.  Calhoun  was  another  con- 
stant visitor,  and  Mrs.  Lowndes  would  often  in 
after  years  point  to  an  old  brown  volume  of  maps, 
and  tell  how  Lowndes  and  Calhoun  would  bend 
over  it,  eagerly  debating  where  the  roads  and  canals, 
for  which  both  longed,  should  go.  There  could  be 
no  doubt  that  good  roads  were  a  military  necessity, 
and  Mr.  Calhoun,  as  Secretary  of  War,  had  the 
question  at  heart.  Mr.  Lowndes  wished  for  them, 
too,  as  means  of  interstate  communication,  particu- 


132  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

larly  with  the  western  country,  "  that  the  people 
might  know  each  other  better  and  commerce  be 
facilitated."  Canals,  too,  were  discussed.  Where 
were  the  best  lines,  the  easiest  levels?  Could  the 
newly  invented  steamboats  be  used  on  them  ? 
Then  the  rights  of  the  States.  How  without  in- 
fringing them  could  these  long  roads  be  made? 
Could  the  States  be  induced  to  consent  and  to  ac- 
cept assistance  ?  Should  it  be  loans  or  subsidies  ? 
So  planned  the  two  friends,  ignorant  of  railroads 
yet  to  come. 

For  the  rest  of  the  session  (winter  and  spring  of 
1814)  Mr.  Lowndes  continued  busy  with  the  naval 
affairs.  Mr.  Chase  (to  whose  careful  research  I 
am  greatly  indebted)  says  that  "  the  bills  passed 
under  his  influence  at  this  session  were  laws  in  aid 
of  the  naval  establishment  and  the  general  system 
of  national  defense  ;  to  authorize  an  increase  of  the 
marine  corps,  and  the  construction  of  floating  bat- 
teries ;  to  allow  rank  to  be  bestowed  on  naval 
officers  for  distinguished  conduct ;  to  provide  for 
the  appointment  of  flotilla  officers,  for  bounties  for 
prisoners  captured  on  the  high  seas  and  brought 
into  port,  and  for  pensions  for  the  widows  and  chil- 
dren of  those  slain  in  action."  A  good  amount  of 
work  for  one  session. 

By  this  time  the  American  privateers  were  the 
terror  of  the  seas.  Light,  swift  schooners,  they 
darted  about  like  sea  birds,  pouncing  on  every 
English  merchantman  which  came  in  their  way,  and 
doing,  undoubtedly,  great  damage  to  the  enemy's 
commerce.  The  country  at  large  delighted  in  and 
prided  itself  upon  them.  But  to  privateering  Mr. 
Lowndes  was  unalterably  opposed  ;  and  as  he  had 
two  years  before,  so  now  again  he  spoke  and  voted 
against  it,  though  quite  aware  that  he  ran  the  risk 
of  incurring  much  unpopularity  by  so  doing.     He 


IN  WAR  TIME  133 

admitted  that  the  country  had  unusual  facilities  for 
this  species  of  warfare,  and  might,  or  did,  derive 
some  immediate  benefit  from  it ;  but  he  objected 
to  putting  into  private  hands  what  was,  he  thought, 
the  duty  of  the  government  alone,  viz.  waging 
war  and  thereby  increasing  its  horrors.  No  good, 
he  thought,  would  in  the  long  run  result  from  a 
measure  evil  in  itself.  He  failed  to  produce  any 
effect,  however,  and  it  was  reserved  for  another 
generation  to  approve  his  ideas. 

There  are  a  few  letters  to  General  Pinckney, 
from  which  I  give  some  extracts  :  — 

Georgetown,  January  19th,  1814. 
My  dear  Sir,  —  I  have  not  as  yet  seen  the 
Secretary  of  War,  a  disappointment  caused  by  his 
having  been  unwell  for  some  time  after  he  came 
here,  and  in  part  by  the  House  having  lately  re- 
mained in  session  pretty  regularly  for  the  whole 
time  of  office  hours.  I  communicated  to  Mr. 
Monroe  your  wishes  on  the  subject  of  any  agency 
which  it  might  be  proposed  to  give  you  in  the  set- 
tlement of  our  Indian  affairs.  He  tells  me  that  the 
President  approves  very  much  of  the  position  which 
you  have  taken  for  headquarters,  and  of  the  plan 
which  he  understands  you  have  adopted.  ...  It 
appears  to  me  very  plain  that  it  was  not  the  want 
of  means  of  remittance,  but  the  want  of  money, 
which  prevented  your  being  supplied  in  Georgia. 
The  department,  however,  has  now  got  a  vote  for  a 
million  and  a  half,  and  I  hope  that  the  South  will 
receive  some  of  it.  I  can  hardly  think  it  possible, 
indeed,  that  they  will  incur  the  mischief  and  disgrace 
of  allowing  the  militiamen  to  return  home  without 
their  pay. 

This  letter  refers  to  that  Indian  war  in  which 


134  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

General  Jackson  won  his  first  laurels.  The  savages 
—  incited  by  the  English,  who  sent  them  arms,  and 
bestowed  upon  their  chief  Hilishago  the  title  of 
brigadier-general,  together  with  a  splendid  uniform 
and  a  rifle,  tomahawk,  and  scalping-knife,  all  em- 
blazoned with  the  royal  arms  —  burst  upon  the  set- 
tlers in  Tennessee  and  Georgia  with  their  usual 
ferocity.  Jackson  marched  upon  them  instantly, 
sending  also  to  General  Pinckney  for  aid.  General 
Pinekney  did  all  that  the  distances  and  the  pathless 
state  of  the  country  permitted,  sending  the  Georgia 
militia  to  his  assistance,  and  following  himself  as 
fast  as  possible.  He  arrived  only  in  time  to  see 
the  victor  sign  with  the  red  men  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Jackson,  which  ended  hostilities  for  a  time.  It 
was  after  this  that  General  Pinckney  advised  that 
his  department  should  be  divided,  as  altogether  too 
large  for  one  man's  handling ;  and  that  the  South- 
west and  Gulf  coast  should  be  made  into  a  separate 
division,  with  General  Jackson  as  its  commander. 

The  battle  of  New  Orleans  showed  the  excellence 
of  the  advice.  The  painful  want  of  money  alluded 
to  was  greatly  caused  by  the  hostility  of  the  large 
cities  to  the  Administration.  They  would  make 
no  loans,  the  banks  protesting  incapacity,  and  this 
led  to  the  effort  to  form  another  United  States 
Bank,  which  was  to  be  the  chief  occupation  of  the 
coming  session. 

Georgetown,  February  15th,  1814. 
My  dear  Sir,  —  I  put  into  the  Postoffice  this 
morning  some  packets  containing  General  Arm- 
strong's [Secretary  of  War]  report  on  the  failure  of 
our  arms  [against  Canada].  The  correspondence 
must  be  read  with  interest,  but  not  I  think  with 
pleasure  ;  the  publication  of  Colonel  Purdy's  letter 
seems  to  me  to  have  been  a  very  wanton  attack 


IN  WAR  TIME  135 

upon  an  officer,  whom  it  was  the  less  necessary  to 
assail  as  he  seems  from  the  correspondence  to  have 
announced  his  determination  of  resigning.  Of  this, 
however,  I  have  heard  nothing  except  from  this 
correspondence." 

April  16th,  1814. 

We  have  rumours  here  of  an  armistice,  or  rather 
of  a  proposition  for  one,  which  I  have  not  heard 
from  any  good  authority,  but  which  many  circum- 
stances induce  me  to  believe.  The  repeal  of  the 
embargo  and  non-importation  laws,  which  passed 
the  House  of  Representatives  by  a  very  large 
majority,  and  will,  I  believe,  pass  the  Senate  by  a 
much  larger  proportionally,  has  by  some  persons 
been  supposed  to  be  connected  with  a  negotiation. 
If  the  President,  however,  has  this  reason  for  his 
change  of  policy,  he  did  not  think  fit  to  communicate 
it  to  the  House,  nor  even,  I  believe,  to  confide  it  to 
one  of  its  members." 

This  was  the  repeal  of  the  embargo  already  men- 
tioned. 

Before  Congress  met  again  Washington  had 
fallen,  —  perhaps  the  only  instance  of  the  capital  of 
a  country  being  taken  by  an  enemy  with  hardly  a 
blow  struck  in  its  defense.  It  is  a  curious  story 
altogether,  but  does  not  belong  here,  —  the  modera- 
tion of  the  victors  being  perhaps  the  strangest  part 
of  it.  It  was  rather  a  keen  mortification  than  a 
crushing  blow,  for  Washington  did  not  then  contain 
anything  of  irreparable  value.  The  mortification 
seems  to  have  stirred  the  army  to  greater  efforts  and 
from  that  time  the  tide  of  fortune  began  to  turn ; 
the  first  letter  for  the  autumn  session  mentions  a 
military  success,  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane.  It 
also  shows  the  feeling  of  insecurity  about  Wash- 
ington which  the  event  had  caused,  and  the  talk  of 
removing  the  capital. 


130  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Washington,  September  25th,  1814. 
I  am  now  settled  here,  and  shall  remain  in  this 
mess  to  which  I  am  now  attached  while  Congress 
continues  in  this  place  (I  mean  for  the  session). 
They  talk,  however,  of  moving  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, at  least  for  a  time  ;  an  attempt  at  least  will  be 
made  to  move  it,  and  its  success  is  not  improbable. 
I  have  not  told  you  who  compose  our  mess.  We 
have  Mr.  Gaillard,  Mr.  Giles,  Mr.  Brown,  and  Judge 
Tate  (Senators),  Mr.  Cheves,  Seybert,  and  myself 
(Representatives).  We  shall  have  such  an  addi- 
tion to  our  number  as  to  make  it  twelve,  but  we  are 
not  yet  sure  who  they  will  be.     As  yet  the  mess  is 

a  pleasant  one,  although chatters  incessantly. 

But  as  I  have  no  great  respect  for  his  character,  I 
do  not  condemn  myself  to  be  a  very  patient  lis- 
tener. ...  I  have  not  yet  mentioned  the  articles 
which  we  left  here  [in  the  house  which  they  had 
rented  for  a  year,  the  previous  session],  but  I  believe 
that  we  have  hot  lost  much.  Our  house,  like  almost 
every  other  on  the  hill,  has  been  very  much  injured, 
not  by  the  English  but  by  a  severe  storm  the  night 
after  they  were  here.  I  think  that  I  shall  get  rid 
of  it  by  paying  half  the  rent.  ...  I  have  not  yet 
told  you,  I  believe,  that  Mrs.  Cheves  is  to  stay  at 
Philadelphia  this  winter.  Mr.  Madison  has  been 
very  ill,  so  ill  that  his  recovery  has  been  extraordi- 
nary. You  have,  I  suppose,  heard  of  General 
Brown's  success.  He  has  made  a  sortie,  killed  and 
taken  about  800  men,  and  destroyed  the  works 
which  the  English  had  advanced  against  him,  and 
which  indeed  endangered  his  army. 

On  October  9th  comes  the  first  definite  hope  of 
peace.  Commissioners  from  the  United  States 
and  his  Britannic  Majesty  had  been  named  and 
accepted.     Mr.  Lowndes  writes  :  — 


IN   WAR  TIME  137 

Washington,  October  9th,  1814. 
I  write  so  often  that  you  will  begin  to  think  the 
privilege  of  franking  a  valuable  one,  but  as  you  are 
no  doubt  very  anxious  for  peace,  I  send  you  last 
evening's  paper,  which  contains  an  account  of  the 
arrival  of  the  "  John  Adams  "  at  New  York.  Mr. 
Dallas  has  arrived  with  dispatches  there,  and  the 
negotiation  is,  I  believe,  undoubtedly  going  on  at 
Ghent.  Its  prospects  of  success  are,  however,  still 
the  subjects  of  speculation,  not  of  information. 
My  own  opinion  is  (what  it  has  been  for  some  time 
past)  that  the  English  Government,  in  protracting 
the  negotiation  until  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign, 
is  influenced  by  the  natural  policy  of  leaving  on  our 
recollections,  when  peace  shall  have  been  made, 
impressions  of  her  power,  which  may  discourage 
future  wars  against  her.  I  continue,  therefore,  to 
think  (in  private)  that  we  shall  have  peace  this 
winter.  But  the  hope  of  peace  is  so  apt  to  dis- 
courage exertion  that  it  ought  hardly  to  be  ex- 
pressed in  public  until  it  becomes  confidence,  if  not 
certainty. 

October  16th. 

You  will  have  seen  the  communications  from  our 
ministers  at  Ghent.  The  prospect  is  a  gloomy  one. 
I  have  no  doubt  of  our  ability  to  defend  the  coun- 
try, but  the  effort  must  produce  great  individual 
sacrifices  and  distress.  Of  the  disposition  of  the 
Government  of  this  country  to  make  peace  on  any 
terms  which  any  honourable  man  in  the  nation 
could  be  disposed  to  accept,  a  full  proof  has,  I 
think,  been  given.  How  long  the  war  shall  last 
must  be  determined  by  the  enemy,  although  that 
determination  will  be  much  affected  by  our  manner 
of  conducting  it.  He  will  only  wish  for  peace 
when  persuaded  that  war  will  give  him  neither  ad- 
vantage nor  glory. 


138  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

It  is  commonly  supposed  here  that  Lord  Hill  will 
attack  either  the  Southern  ports  or  Louisiana.  At 
such  a  moment,  to  be  absent  from  one's  family  is 
very  painful.  I  cannot  think  that  the  English  will 
attempt  to  maintain  the  scat  of  war  in  the  Southern 
States.  If  they  were  to  attack  Charleston  and 
take  it,  their  European  troops  would  suffer  more 
in  the  first  summer  than  from  the  severest  European 
campaign,  yet  our  calculation  should  be  that  they 
will  attack  it. 

We  do  not  hear  at  this  place  a  whisper  of  peace. 
If  the  Administration  think  it  in  any  degree  prob- 
able, they  keep  the  secret  of  their  opinions  better 
than  usual.  It  is,  indeed,  very  important  that  our 
exertions  should  not  be  weakened  by  the  opinion 
that  they  may  be  unnecessary.  Yet  the  hope  in 
which  I  sometimes  indulge  myself  I  cannot  refuse 
to  communicate  to  you,  but  I  must  beg  you  to  say 
nothing  of  it  to  any  one  else. 

This  caution  reminds  me  of  an  anecdote  told  by 
Mrs.  Lowndes  to  her  granddaughter.  Being,  she 
said,  naturally  silent  and  reserved,  it  was  not  hard 
for  her  to  be  extremely  prudent  as  to  her  husband's 
communications  to  her,  putting  aside  all  indiscreet 
questions  with  a  civil  disclaimer  of  any  particular 
information.  She  carried  this,  however,  a  little 
too  far,  for  the  inquirers  thought  her  badly  treated, 
and  whispers  arose  of  "  poor  Elizabeth,  her  hus- 
band gives  her  so  little  of  his  confidence.  She 
knows  less  than  the  newspapers,  absolutely  no- 
thing." She  was  naturally  annoyed,  and  in  order 
to  avert  these  suspicions,  she  begged  her  husband 
always  to  put  a  word  of  warning,  when  facts  or 
opinions  were  to  be  kept  to  herself,  while  those 
meant  for  the  public  were  to  be  left  unguarded, 


IN   WAR  TIME  139 

and  thus  succeeded  in  restoring  Mr.  Lowndes's  re- 
putation among  her  friends. 

October  23d,  1814. 

I  meant  to  have  written  to  you  to-night,  but  the 
House  has  adjourned  to-day  at  one  o'clock  in  con- 
sequence of  the  sudden  death  of  the  Vice-President, 
Mr.  Gerry.  He  was  on  his  way  to  the  Senate, 
where  it  was  his  habit  not  only  to  insist  upon 
punctually  fulfilling  all  the  duties  of  his  office,  but 
from  the  weak  fear  of  confirming  the  opinions  of 
those  who  thought  him  too  old  for  his  situation,  to 
exert  himself  in  doing  as  president  much  which  a 
younger  man  would  have  allowed  to  devolve  on  a 
clerk.  He  is  now  dead,  and  his  friends  may,  I  be- 
lieve, justly  boast  that  in  every  political  situation 
he  firmly  pursued  the  policy  which  he  believed  to 
be  right ;  while  his  enemies,  if  they  permit  their 
enmity  to  survive  its  object,  can  say  little  more 
against  him  than  that  nature  denied  him  the  talents 
(even  in  the  most  moderate  degree)  which  his  po- 
litical offices  required.  His  country  made  him 
ambassador  and  vice-president,  but  he  was  certainly 
not  one  of  nature's  nobles.  .  .  .  You  see  by  our 
last  accounts  that  the  negotiations  at  Ghent  have 
not  been  broken  off.  Lord  Hill  will  not  be  in 
America  this  winter.  I  feel  less  anxiety  from  the 
expectation  of  an  attack  on  South  Carolina  than  I 
have  done. 

The  omitted  portions  of  this  and  the  other  letters 
of  this  time  are  filled  with  anxious  inquiries  about 
crops,  plantation  work,  overseers,  etc.,  and  the 
pressing  question  of  ways  and  means.  Mr. 
Lowndes's  long  absences,  and  the  fact  that  his 
lands  were  liable  to  overflow  from  "  freshets  "  in 
the  river,  had  by  this  time  begun  to  impair  his  for- 
tune.    Nowhere  in  the  world  is  the  master's  eye 


140  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

more  needed  than  on  a  rice  plantation  ;  few  are 
the  overseers  who  can  supply  the  intelligent  vigi- 
lance which  the  situation  demands.  Ellick  had 
proved  incapable  of  conducting  matters  on  his  own 
responsibility,  and  Mrs.  Lowndes  was  worried  by 
fears  that,  while  remiss  about  his  own  work,  he, 
being  dressed  in  a  little  brief  authority,  was  severe 
to  the  people.  The  white  overseers  were  little 
better,  and  Mrs.  Lowndes  determined  to  remain  at 
Jacksonborough  (the  village  nearest  to  the  Horse 
Shoe)  throughout  the  summer,  in  hopes  that  her 
presence  would  serve  at  once  as  a  check  and  a 
stimulus.  There  were  difficulties,  of  health  and  a 
school  for  the  boys,  and  Mr.  Lowndes  writes,  "  I 
hope  if  your  sister  [Mrs.  linger]  should  go  to 
the  Horse  Shoe  (or,  indeed,  if  she  should  not), 
that  you  will  have  everything  done  to  your  gloomy 
residence  which  can  make  it  more  tolerable.  I 
fear  that  while  war  lasts  we  can  calculate  in  Caro- 
lina only  on  the  comforts  which  are  to  be  obtained 
without  buying;  but  whatever  you  can  obtain  either 
by  the  labor  of  the  negroes  or  by  credit  I  earnestly 
wish  you  to  obtain."     And  again  — 

November  6th. 

Our  situation  certainly  requires  great  efforts  and 
sacrifices.  If  the  war  should  last  many  years,  I 
believe  that  the  nation  possesses  resources  which 
will  enable  it  to  support  it  with  honour.  As  to 
our  private  interest,  I  believe  that  should  the  war 
last  thi*ee  years  longer,  I  shall  not  be  worth  more 
than  fifty  negroes  after  paying  my  debts.  With 
these  we  must  retire  to  some  situation  where  we 
may  enjoy  health  and  tranquillity.  And  then  it 
will  be  some  consolation  to  reflect  that  if  in  my 
public  situation  I  have  supported  measures  which 
have  impaired  the  fortunes  of  many  of  my  country- 


IN   WAR   TIME  141 

men,  at  least  I  cannot  be  accused  of  having  made 
my  own.  About  the  pounding  of  the  rice,  etc.  .  .  . 
Do  inculcate  upon  Ellick,  the  necessity  of  turning 
the  winter  to  as  much  account  as  possible,  by  put- 
ting his  lands  into  high  order  [ample  directions 
how  to  do  this],  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  your  diffi- 
culties in  establishing  a  boarding-house  [for  the 
next  summer,  in  Jacksonborough],  though  they 
have  not  been  unexpected.  I  certainly  did  not 
think  when  I  left  Carolina  that  the  difficulties  of  a 
school  were  half  removed. 

Such  were  some  of  the  troubles  of  a  planter's 
wife.  On  November  30th  Mr.  Lowndes  writes 
that  the  dispatches  from  Ghent  are  encouraging, 
and  continues  :  — 

"  I  now  frequently  pass  my  evenings  at  Cheves's 
[Mrs.  Cheves  had  now  joined  her  husband  in 
Washington],  and  I  find  particular  relief  in  the 
conversation  of  the  children.  Louisa  and  Sophia 
propose  no  projects  of  a  bank,  and  Joseph  has 
never  started  the  subject  of  a  conscription."  This 
alludes  to  a  passage  in  a  recent  letter,  in  which  he 
says  that  the  conversation  at  the  "  mess,"  turning 
entirely  on  politics,  affords  no  relaxation  from  the 
labors  of  the  day.  He  adds,  "  As  to  our  own  chil- 
dren, I  am  very  anxious  to  know  what  you  have 
done  with  them.  If  we  have  peace,  I  must  spend 
next  summer  in  the  back  country,  and  we  shall 
therefore  be  as  much  at  a  loss  about  them  in 
summer  as  in  winter.  It  would  not  be  easy  to  say 
what  it  is  which  recommends  public  life,  and  yet 
how  few  willingly  quit  it.  I  am  sometimes  sur- 
prised that  I  should  have  remained  in  it  so  long. 
Some  men  indeed  want  offices  of  honor  or  of  profit, 
and  three  years  ago  I  should  have  been  glad  of 
military  employment.     But  at  present  I  am  sure 


142  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

that  there  is  no  office  from  that  of  President  to  an 
ensigncy  or  a  collectorship  which  I  would  accept. 
I  cannot  retain  the  place  of  Member  of  Congress, 
then,  from  the  hope  of  its  leading  to  anything  else, 
and  yet  I  have  not  fully  resolved  to  decline.  I 
sent  you,  a  day  or  two  ago,  a  pamphlet  containing 
the  dispatches  of  our  commissioners.  There  seems 
to  be  some  difference  of  opinion  on  the  prospects 
of  peace  which  it  opens.  .  .  .  There  are  really  in 
Congress  (in  both  Houses,  as  I  think)  a  good  deal 
of  zeal  and  of  political  courage.  But  although  a 
vigorous  system  of  policy  may  be  adopted  and  pur- 
sued by  the  legislature,  it  must  originate  in  the 
Cabinet.  I  have  got  too  near  the  end  of  my  paper 
to  begin  a  political  disquisition." 

Peace  was  really  much  nearer  than  they  knew, 
but  for  the  time  the  terrible  want  of  money  made 
the  bank  question  almost  the  chief  interest  of  the 
session.  Writing  to  General  Pinckney  early  in 
December,  Mr.  Lowndes  says  :  — 

"  In  respect  to  ordnance,  fortifications  and  men, 
I  believe  our  difficulties  are  pecuniary.  We  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  as  many  recruits  could 
be  obtained  as  we  could  support,  if  we  could  supply 
bounties  and  clothing ;  but  every  post  brings  ac- 
counts of  contractors  and  commissaries  who  are  un- 
able to  furnish  to  the  men  already  enlisted  their 
ordinary  supplies.  The  tax  bills  are  passing  with 
considerable  expedition  through  both  Houses,  and 
their  amount  is  very  great  in  comparison  with  any 
internal  revenue  which  the  government  has  ever 
yet  enjoyed,  but  very  inadequate  to  the  expenses  of 
the  year,  if  the  hope  of  effecting  a  loan  is  to  be  re- 
nounced. When  the  new  bank,  if  it  shall  pass  (as 
I  think  it  will),  will  be  able  to  lend,  or  what  will 
be  the  credit  of  its  notes  if  it  shall  lend  largely,  are 
points  on  which  there  is  much  difference  of  opinion 


IN   WAR   TIME  143 

here.  There  is  none,  however,  in  respect  to  the 
necessity  of  recurring  either  to  such  a  loan  or  to  an 
issue  of  government  paper.  I  do  not  believe  that 
an  interest  of  ten  per  cent,  would  enable  govern- 
ment to  negotiate  a  loan  of  twenty  millions  with 
private  contractors." 

In  such  a  condition  of  financial  distress  it  was 
no  wonder  that  the  plan  of  a  bank  should  be  eagerly 
discussed.  The  difficulty,  however,  was  that  the 
first,  the  original  United  States  Bank,  established 
by  Federalists,  had  undeniably  failed.  Would  an- 
other, under  Republican  auspices,  do  better  ?  No 
good  Federalist  could  believe  it.  Mr.  Dallas,  the 
newly  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  had  a 
hard  task  before  him,  for  money  had  to  be  raised 
in  some  way. 

The  private  banks  paid  no  specie ;  would  a  pub- 
lic one,  a  Bank  of  the  United  States,  do  more  ? 
Would  the  public,  through  faith  in  and  desire  to 
help  the  government,  receive  its  notes  as  specie? 
If  so,  what  amount  of  notes  would  it  be  safe  to 
issue  ?  Around  these  questions  the  discussion 
raged,  painfully  embittered  by  personal  and  by  party 
feeling.  Mr.  Dallas  proposed  one  scheme,  Mr.  Cal- 
houn another.  Mr.  Lowndes  supported  Mr.  Cal- 
houn's plan  with  some  slight  alteration.  The 
speeches  were  long,  and  some  violent,  and  curious 
things  were  said. 

The  anti-war  men  considered  the  bank  as  an  out- 
come of  that  iniquitous  measure,  and  spoke  accord- 
ingly. Mr.  Law,  of  Connecticut,  wailed  over  our 
"  having  struck  the  first  blow  in  the  dark,  against 
the  defenseless  provinces  of  Canada,  which  re- 
sisted and  repelled  our  attacks,  and  disgrace  and 
mortification  followed."  He  intimated  that  we 
richly  deserved  the  punishment  we  met.  Mr.  Han- 
son, of  Maryland,  was  even  stronger  in  denuncia- 


144  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

tion.  lie  as  a  "  moral  man  "  rejoiced  in  the  confu- 
sion of  "  those  fell  destroyers  of  its  [the  country's] 
rights,  peace,  safety,  and  honour,  whose  misdeeds 
have  brought  upon  the  people  the  suffering  under 
which  they  smart,  the  burdens  which  force  from 
them  deep  groans  which  are  heard  throughout  the 
land.  No  man  feels  for  the  wicked  authors  of  our 
affliction  [the  war  members]  a  more  thorough  sov- 
ereign contempt  than  I  do,  and  if  it  is  said  that 
in  contributing  to  the  relief  and  salvation  of  the 
country  [by  voting  for  the  bank],  I  incidentally 
relieve  them,  I  justify  it  by  replying  that  even 
such  men  must  be  relieved  in  preference  to  certain 
national  bankruptcy,"  etc.  After  this  it  is  not 
surprising  that  Mr.  Calhoun  was  at  once  upon  his 
legs.  His  speech  is  not  given  in  the  "  Abridged 
Debates,"  but  is  described  as  "  energetic,"  and  "  the 
Speaker  [Mr.  Cheves]  called  both  gentlemen  re- 
peatedly to  order,  and  earnestly  endeavored  to  pre- 
vent the  introduction  of  personal  matter  into  the 
debate."  At  length,  after  two  months  of  speech- 
making,  and  innumerable  votings,  the  bill  was  re- 
jected. Another,  much  to  the  same  effect,  sent 
down  by  the  Senate,  was  taken  into  considera- 
tion, with  apparently  no  more  hope  of  a  satisfac- 
tory conclusion.  At  last,  February  17,  1815,  Mr. 
Lowndes  moved  to  postpone  the  Senate  bill  inde- 
finitely. "  He  made  this  motion  not  from  any  hos- 
tility to  a  National  Bank,  wishing,  as  he  did,  that 
a  National  Bank  should  be  established,  but  because 
he  wished  it  done  at  a  time  and  under  circum- 
stances which  would  give  the  House  opportunity 
to  decide  correctly  on  the  subject.  ...  In  the 
fragment  of  the  session  which  now  remains  there 
would  not  be  time  to  enter  into  a  consideration  of 
these  points.  .  .  .  The  new  state  of  things  which 
now  presents  itself  ought  to  suggest  a  reason  for 


IN   WAR  TIME  145 

postponement.  Congress  could  not  now  establish 
a  bank  half  so  eligible,  or  half  so  durable,  as  it 
could  at  a  future  session." 

This  motion,  which  was  carried  by  a  close  vote 
of  74  to  73,  was  of  course  made  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  on  that  same  day  President  Madison  was  to 
announce  to  the  Senate,  and  two  days  afterward  to 
the  House,  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
and  amity  between  the  United  States  and  his  Brit- 
annic Majesty,  which  had  been  signed  on  the  24th 
of  December,  1814,  at  Ghent,  by  the  commissioners 
of  both  parties. 

The  battle  of  New  Orleans,  the  most  important 
victory  of  the  war,  had  been  fought  on  the  15th  of 
January,  1815,  three  weeks  after  the  treaty  had 
been  signed,  and  a  month  before  the  news  of  it  had 
been  received  at  Washington.  The  English  force 
had  been  the  most  important  yet  sent  to  America, 
and  the  apprehension  had  been  great.  On  New 
Year's  Day,  1815,  Mr.  Lowndes  wrote  to  his  wife  : 

"  The  beginning  of  a  new  year  has  been  by  long 
custom  made  the  season  of  congratulation  and  en- 
joyment, but  our  present  situation  and  our  prospects 
here  seem  neither  of  them  compatible  with  unmixed 
enjoyment.  However,  I  do  not  mean  to  write  about 
politics,  and  the  gloom  of  the  last  sentence  could 
only  be  justified  by  our  political  situation." 

January  8th. 

We  have  to-day  an  account  of  the  English  hav- 
ing destroyed  our  little  flotilla  on  Lake  Ponchar- 
train,  after  suffering  a  very  severe  loss  in  proportion 
to  the  numbers  engaged.  If  they  mean  to  attack 
New  Orleans,  of  which  no  doubt  is  entertained 
here,  this  success  will  enable  them  to  get  within  a 
couple  of  miles  of  the  city  conveniently  and  safely, 
but  the  difficulties  of  marching  from  the  lake  to  the 


14G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

river  are  such  as  to  afford  a  reasonable  hope  that 
they  may  be  repelled.  However,  you  will  see  more 
about  it  in  the  papers  than  I  could  get  into  a 
letter.  .  .  .  But  you  must  be  tired  of  reading  of 
the  danger  of  New  Orleans,  and  my  own  gloomy 
speculations  on  the  effects  of  its  loss,  if  it  should 
be  taken,  prevent  my  writing  with  interest  on  any 
other  subject. 

His  depression  at  this  time  was  undoubtedly  in- 
creased by  a  very  severe  cold,  which  made  attend- 
ance at  the  House  extremely  irksome,  and  caused 
him  to  remain  entirely  in  his  own  room  when  re- 
leased from  his  duties  there.  Its  influence  is  shown 
in  this  passage  about  his  children  :  — 

"Tell  Rawlins  he  must  ride  as  much  as  he  can 
now,  for  M.  de  Grasse  will  not  let  him  keep  a  horse 
at  Georgetown.  I  am  glad  that  he  likes  his  present 
school,  however,  for  the  comforts  of  a  man  after  he 
gets  his  reason  are  so  small  and  so  precarious,  that 
I  should  like  (if  I  knew  how)  to  crowd  as  many 
into  the  years  which  precede  reason  as  they  could 
be  made  to  contain.  ...  As  for  Pinckney,  I  hope 
that  he  will  be  on  board  a  frigate  at  12  or  13.  I 
will  give  my  consent  to  his  learning  to  dance  as 
soon  as  he  has  assisted  in  taking  down  an  English 
flag.  This,  I  suppose,  you  will  think  shows  more 
patriotism  than  parental  fondness,  but  there  is 
no  patriotism  in  it,  as  the  country  apparently  will 
never  want  for  midshipmen.  But  I  have  tried  civil 
life  myself  and  found  it  very  vapid.  I  am  willing 
that  my  children  should  have  one  of  stronger  ex- 
citement. Let  them  have  to  complain  of  fatigue, 
disappointments,  and  hardships,  but  let  them  have 
something  to  do." 

About  the  same  time  he  says  on  the  same  subject : 
"  I  should  like  my  sons  to  be,  one  a  good  general, 


IN   WAR  TIME  147 

the  other  a  good  admiral.  You  will  not  agree  in 
this  wish,  so  I  will  change  it :  may  they  be  both 
good  men,  a  paternal  benediction  in  the  sense  of 
which  the  fairy  may  share."  The  fairy  was  his 
little  daughter,  then  five  years  old. 

After  all  this  gloomy  apprehension,  victory  and 
peace  must  have  been  an  immense  relief.  There  is 
no  letter  just  after  the  battle,  but  he  says :  — 

February  17,  1815. 
I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  on  Monday  to  give  you 
the  news  of  the  peace.  The  papers  by  the  time  this 
reaches  you  will  give  you  the  treaty.  It  contains 
no  stipulation  on  any  question  or  controverted  right, 
and  I  do  not  know  that  it  is  the  worse  on  that  ac- 
count. The  time  of  making  it  is  more  fortunate 
than  the  peace  itself.  When  the  war  in  Europe 
was  over  I  sometimes  expressed  the  opinion  that  it 
would  perhaps  be  best  for  both  nations  that  Eng- 
land should  try  her  undivided  strength  against  a 
power  whose  resources  she  probably  little  under- 
stood. But  I  little  expected  that  a  well-appointed 
army  of  ten  thousand  veterans  could  have  been 
foiled  with  the  loss  of  half  their  number,  by  men 
who  two  months  before  had  not  left  their  ploughs. 
Orleans  was  our  weakest  point,  and  the  best  effect 
of  the  war  is  the  deep  impression  which  our  enemy 
must  feel,  that  on  our  own  soil  we  are  unassailable. 

The  relief  was  great,  greatest  of  all  to  Mr.  Mad- 
ison and  his  Cabinet,  who  felt  themselves  saved. 
The  Hartford  Convention  with  its  inadmissible  de- 
mands and  thinly  veiled  threats  of  disunion  could 
hurt  them  no  more.  There  was  at  first  some  dis- 
satisfaction at  the  absence  of  definite  stipulations 
referred  to  above  ;  but  it  was  hoped,  and  the  hope 
has  been  happily  fulfilled,  that  on  those  points  time 


148  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

would  bring  just  decisions.  We  now  know,  better 
perhaps  than  the  actors  in  that  strife  ever  knew, 
what  had  been  gained  by  the  war.  By  it  America 
had  earned  the  respect  of  the  world.  Englishmen 
had  learned  that  a  Yankee  frigate  equaled  an  Eng- 
lish one.  Frenchmen  heard  that  a  handful  of  men 
on  a  sandbank  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  had 
beaten  back  the  proud  English  regiments  before 
which  they  themselves  had  recoiled  in  the  penin- 
sula. Best  of  all,  the  people,  when  not  blinded  by 
hate  or  fanaticism,  respected  themselves,  felt  them- 
selves a  nation.  The  flag  at  which  Napoleon  had 
jeered  had  won  its  place  by  battle.  Victory  and 
poetry  had  touched  it.  It  was  no  longer  a  "  piece 
of  striped  bunting,"  but "  The  Star  Spangled  Ban- 
ner. 


CHAPTER  VII 

DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS 
1815-1818 

The  much-longed  for  adjournment  was  delayed 
by  the  fact  that  peace  had  hardly  been  proclaimed 
when  the  President  was  obliged  to  call  the  attention 
of  Congress  to  trouble  in  another  quarter,  and  to 
ask  consent  to  sending  a  squadron  against  the  Al- 
gerine  pirates.  These  audacious  marauders  infested 
the  Mediterranean  and  the  adjacent  waters,  preying 
indifferently  upon  the  vessels  of  all  nations,  and 
at  this  very  moment  ten  or  twelve  American  mer- 
chant sailors  were  in  the  galleys  or  the  dungeons  of 
the  Dey.  Decatur  and  Bainbridge  were  sent  against 
them,  and  speedily  reduced  not  only  the  Algerines, 
but  all  those  Barbary  States  whose  corsairs  had  long 
been  the  terror  of  the  seas.  Perhaps  nothing  has 
ever  made  a  deeper  impression  upon  the  nations  of 
Europe  than  that  this  shameful  evil  at  their  very 
doors  should  have  been  put  down  by  a  power  from 
across  the  ocean.  It  had  also  a  happy  effect  upon 
the  American  mind,  for  when  the  rejoicing  people 
instantly  proceeded  to  cut  down  its  army  to  ab- 
surdly small  proportions,  the  navy  was  left  un- 
touched for  another  session. 

The  utmost  effort  could  only  secure  an  army  of 
ten  thousand  men,  and  the  appropriation  for  its 
support  was  characterized  as  a  burden  hardly  to  be 
borne.     This   done,  the  weary  congressmen  were 


l.->0  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

allowed  to  adjourn,  and  on  March  3d  Mr.  Lowndes 
wrote  joyously  for  his  horses  to  meet  him  at  Fay- 
etteville,  North  Carolina.  The  Cheves  family  were 
to  follow  shortly  after,  and  he  hoped  for  a  long  visit 
from  them  at  the  Grove  ;  but  letters  here  fail,  and 
we  know  no  more  until  the  reopening  of  Congress. 
From  this  time  the  records  of  the  House  and  con- 
temporaneous notices  are  the  sole  materials  at  hand 
until  the  year  1819.  Mrs.  Lowndes  spent  the  in- 
tervening sessions  in  Washington,  and  there  is  no 
correspondence. 

The  war  being  over,  the  war  debt  was  the  first 
consideration.  The  President's  message  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  session  of  1815-16  earnestly  re- 
commended a  bank  and  measures  for  revenue. 
Mr.  Lowndes  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  ;  but  his  first  speech 
was  a  personal  one  on  the  question  of  pensions, 
urging  great  precaution  in  their  bestowal,  and  that 
proof  of  actual  service  and  suffering  should  be  de- 
manded. Afterwards  the  constant  labor  of  his  com- 
mittee prevented  his  sharing  in  the  great  debates 
upon  the  treaty-making  power,  and  upon  the  bank, 
which  occupied  so  much  of  the  session,  although  in 
his  notebook  there  are  pages  of  reflection  and  study 
upon  both  subjects. 

He  made  his  first  report  for  the  committee  upon 
the  15th  of  January,  1816,  to  the  House  sitting 
as  committee  of  the  whole,  "  upon  so  much  of  the 
President's  message  as  relates  to  the  revenue," 
and  offered  resolutions  based  on  the  calculation  that 
the  revenue  required  was  §25,369,000.  He  pro- 
posed to  add  forty-two  per  cent,  to  the  rates  of  per- 
manent duty,  and  by  so  doing  relieve  the  internal 
tax  of  the  burden  of  seven  millions  annually,  this 
to  be  derived  from  the  customs.  He  proposed  to 
keep  three  millions  of  direct  tax,  and  to  devote 


DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN  AFFAIRS       151 

$13,500,000  to  the  interest  and  principal  of  the 
national  debt. 

The  question  was,  "  How  should  these  customs 
be  most  justly  distributed?"  The  resolutions  were 
closely  scanned  and  were  discussed  day  by  day  for 
the  rest  of  the  session.  It  would  be  tedious  now 
to  give  in  detail  such  a  by-gone  question  ;  yet  it  is 
interesting  to  note  the  fair  and  just  anxiety  of  the 
chairman  to  do  right  by  each  commodity.  As  far 
as  can  be  judged  by  the  scanty  reports,  he  made  no 
set  speeches,  confining  himself  to  explaining  and 
defending,  giving  facts  and  figures,  but  no  elo- 
quence, in  support  of  his  propositions. 

His  committee  proposed,  — 

"  Be  it  Resolved,  that  it  is  expedient  to  continue 
in  force,  until  the  30th  day  of  June  next,  and  until 
an  act  shall  be  passed  establishing  a  new  tariff  of 
duties,  the  act  entitled  '  an  act  for  imposing  addi- 
tional duties  upon  all  goods,  merchandise,  wares 
imported  from  any  foreign  port  or  place,  and  for 
other  purposes,  passed  on  the  first  day  of  July 
1812.'  " 

This  was  called  "the  double  tax,"  and  was  in 
fact  a  tariff,  and  the  discussion  instantly  began. 
Federals  and  Republicans  alike  tore  the  resolutions 
to  pieces.  Mr.  Huger,  the  only  Federalist  repre- 
sentative from  South  Carolina,  spoke  strongly 
against  the  tariff  as  a  whole,  as  injurious  to  the 
agricultural  interest,  and  Mr.  Lowndes  answered 
that  money  had  to  be  raised,  and  that  this  method 
distributed  the  burden  more  evenly  than  any  other. 
Mr.  Calhoun  supported  his  friend. 

Every  point  was  contested  ;  the  relative  deserts 
of  common  salt  and  brown  sugar  took  days  to  dis- 
cuss. Did  they  require  protection,  and  if  so,  how 
much?  Finally  each  received  a  duty.  Salt  fish 
exported  was  granted  a  bounty,  but  refined  sugar, 


1.72  WILLIAM    LOWNDES 

"  used  only  by  the  wealthy,"  was  put  into  the  direct 
tax  list  as  a  luxury.  These  imports  were  conces- 
sions to  the  "  new  acquisition,"  Louisiana,  and  to 
New  England,  so  the  extremities  of  the  Union  were 
content ;  but  one  gentleman  deplored  "  the  hard 
fate  of  those  unfortunate  States  [the  Middle]  who 
are  taxed  to  support  the  manufactures  of  the  East 
and  the  products  of  the  South."  There  was  (per- 
haps of  historic  necessity)  some  debate  on  the 
stamp  duties,  but  they  were  kept,  and  a  proposal 
to  reduce  the  rates  of  postage  was,  very  naturally, 
eagerly  agreed  to.  But  fiercer  grew  the  fighting 
when  the  wording  of  the  "  resolution  "  itself  was 
brought  forward,  and  Randolph  of  Roanoke  joined 
in  the  fray. 

He  opposed  the  bill  vehemently  as  "  dependent 
on  a  contingency  which  may  happen  ['  until  an 
act  shall  be  passed,'  etc.],  a  curiosity  of  legisla- 
tion such  as  I  do  most  potently  believe  no  man 
living  or  that  ever  lived  did  hear  of."  Nothing 
can  be  more  entertaining  than  John  Randolph's 
witty  and  brilliant  speeches,  a  delightful  relief  from 
the  monotony  of  congressional  debate.  With  the 
instinct  of  genius  he  seizes  on  the  point  of  vantage 
and  darts  his  shafts  at  the  joint  of  the  armor.  He 
told  Calhoun  sharply  that  he  was  legislating  against 
his  section,  for  the  tariff  would  bear  heaviest  on 
the  poor  man  and  the  slaveholder,  a  truth  which 
Calhoun  probably  felt  keenly  enough  in  after  days, 
but  for  which,  conscious  that  he  was  doing  his 
best  for  his  whole  country,  he  then  cared  nothing. 
He  furiously  attacked  Clay  for  some  expressions 
looking  to  war  with  Spain,  and  declared  that  he 
(Randolph)  "  would  not  be  frightened  by  the  raw 
head  and  bloody  bones  of  old  Spain."  Even  the 
members  most  accustomed  to  his  eccentricities  must 
have  been  amused  to  hear  him  extol  "  the  great 


DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS       153 

principles  of  Mr.  Jefferson "  and  sigh  for  "  the 
good  old  times  of  his  administration,"  —  he  who  had 
been  a  thorn  in  Jefferson's  flesh  long  before  his 
administration  had  ended.  In  our  day  we  are 
amused  to  know  that  he  reproached  Calhoun  with 
"  tendencies  to  consolidation  and  to  destroy  state 
government."  His  darts  evidently  told,  for  although 
he  treated  Lowndes  more  gently  than  the  others, 
I  find  in  Mrs.  Lowndes's  notes  that  "  Mr.  Lowndes, 
who  was  always  scrupulously  courteous,  so  resented 
some  of  Mr.  Randolph's  attacks,  that  although  al- 
ways observing  the  politeness  due  to  an  old  and  a 
distinguished  man,  he  for  years  never  offered  him 
his  hand,  and  never  addressed  him  except  on  the 
business  of  the  House." 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  in  these  debates  the 
men  charged  with  the  help  of  the  treasury  strug- 
gled for  that,  and  that  only.  They  knew  that  with- 
out money  the  country  could  not  be  safe.  The 
experience  of  the  war  had  taught  them,  but  had 
apparently  taught  the  Congress  at  large  nothing. 
Though  its  house  had  been  burned  over  its  head  in 
1815,  it  now,  two  years  later,  hesitated  and  hag- 
gled over  every  appropriation  for  the  services  ;  and 
only  the  seaboard  States  thought  of  the  long,  un- 
guarded coast  line,  although  the  ruins  of  the  Capi- 
tol were  before  their  eyes. 

These  independent  measures  often  brought  re- 
proach upon  the  Carolinians  as  deserters  from 
their  party.  Lowndes  was  reproached  for  the 
tariff  he  proposed.  The  tariff  was  in  truth  so 
moderate  that  it  has  since  been  spoken  of  as  "  for 
revenue  only;"  but  Lowndes,  who  had  the  spirit  of 
the  line,  "  Don't  be  consistent,  but  be  simply  true," 
frankly  avowed  that  he  thought  some  protection 
due  to  infant  industries,  and  that  the  question  was, 
"  What  measure  of  protection  do  they  require  ?  " 


154  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

The  most  important  debate  was  over  cotton  and 
woolen  goods,  and  was  participated  in  by  the 
leaders  on  both  sides.  Mr.  Lowndes  spoke  only  to 
facts  and  figures.  Mr.  Calhoun  and  Mr.  Ingham, 
of  Pennsylvania,  spoke  for  manufactures,  and  Mr. 
Randolph,  like  a  precursor  of  Mr.  Kuskin,  depre- 
cated all  except  "  those  conducted  in  the  families 
of  our  citizens."  The  last  act  was  to  regulate  the 
duties  on  "  imports  and  tonnage,"  and  after  long 
debate  the  bill  in  its  chief  clauses  was  carried  by 
a  vote  of  88  to  54,  April  8,  1816.  Thus  the  tariff 
was  established  and  in  a  short  time  gave  a  surplus 
to  the  treasury ;  the  duties  were  so  light  that  no 
one  suffered  ;  on  the  contrary,  the  effect  upon  the 
immediate  prosperity  of  the  country  was  wonder- 
ful. Mr.  Charles  Fraser,  in  his  "  Reminiscences 
of  Charleston"  (1854),  says:  ""In  1816  prosperity 
returned,  and  has  continued  unbroken  to  this  day." 

In  other  hands  the  measure  has  had  a  far  differ- 
ent result ;  but  it  is  one  of  the  curiosities  of  legis- 
lation, that  the  first  tariff  avowedly  for  protection 
should  have  been  brought  in  by  Lowndes  and 
Calhoun. 

Mr.  Lowndes  may  have  had  some  misgivings  as 
to  the  ultimate  effect  of  his  policy,  for  the  late 
Colonel  William  Elliott,  of  South  Carolina,  told 
the  writer  that  he  distinctly  remembered  being,  as 
a  very  young  man,  at  a  dinner  party  at  which  Mr. 
Lowndes  was  present.  The  conversation  turned  on 
recent  measures,  and  the  hostess,  Mrs.  Horry,  re- 
proached Mr.  Lowndes  (who  was  the  husband  of 
her  niece)  with  the  imposition  of  the  tariff,  saying 
that  it  "  was  the  worst  thing  done  since  universal 
suffrage."  Mr.  Lowndes  answered  quietly  that 
"  neither  was  altogether  good,  but  the  best  possible 
for  the  time."  She  persisted  that  "  she  should  not, 
but  he  would,  live  to  feel  the  evils  of  both."     He 


DOMESTIC  AND  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS       155 

answered  again,  "  We  are  obliged  to  leave  some 
questions  to  posterity.  We  do  our  best  with  those 
that  come  to  us,  and  future  generations  must  bear 
their  share  of  the  trouble." 

A  measure  about  which  there  could  be  no  mis- 
giving was  the  support  of  the  navy.  Mr.  Lowndes 
had  the  pleasure  of  speaking  and  voting  for  the  re- 
port and  resolutions  brought  in  by  Mr.  Pleasants, 
of  Virginia,  chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee,  for 
an  "  annual  appropriation  of  one  million  dollars, 
for  the  next  eight  years,  for  the  gradual  increase 
of  the  navy."  The  navy  was  always  his  first 
interest,  and  it  consoled  him  for  the  reduction  of 
the  army.  In  a  memorandum  he  says :  "  With  a 
navy  strong  enough  to  prevent  invasion  by  sea,  a 
small,  efficient  army  on  our  northern  and  western 
frontier  may  perhaps  be  all  that  is  absolutely  ne- 
cessary." 

In  Mr.  Madison's  last  annual  message,  December, 
1816,  he  was  able  to  assure  the  country  that  the 
success  of  the  financial  measures  adopted  by  the 
last  Congress  had  been  so  great  that  "  the  revenue 
has  far  exceeded  all  the  current  demands  upon  the 
treasury,  and  that  under  any  probable  diminution 
of  its  future  annual  products  which  the  vicissitudes 
of  commerce  may  occasion,  it  will  afford  an  ample 
fund  for  the  effectual  and  early  extinguishment  of 
the  public  debt."  ..."  At  the  close  of  the  year 
there  will  be  a  surplus  in  the  treasury  of  about 
the  sum  of  nine  millions  of  dollars." 

This  being  the  case,  it  was  perhaps  not  extraor- 
dinary that  many  should  think  the  taxes,  and  es- 
pecially the  hated  internal  revenue  tax,  too  heavy. 
The  management  of  the  treasury  was  blamed,  and 
it  was  asked  if  "  the  laws  imposing  taxes  are  to 
remain  fixed  and  unalterable  except  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 


15G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Moans  ?  "  The  sinking  fund  (for  the  payment  of 
the  national  debt)  was  especially  attacked  in  a 
long  speech  by  Mr.  Williams,  of  North  Carolina, 
on  the  17th  of  February,  1817.  It  is  clear  that  Mr. 
Lowndes  defended  his  favorite  financial  measure, 
but  I  find  no  mention  of  his  speech  except  in  Mr. 
Williams's  quotations  from  it.  Mr.  W.  was  at  least 
a  generous  antagonist,  for  he  says  :  "  That  gen- 
tleman, Mr.  Speaker  [pointing  to  Mr.  Lowndes], 
at  all  times,  and  on  all  occasions,  has  so  con- 
ducted himself  on  this  floor  as  to  secure,  not  only 
the  confidence  and  esteem,  but  I  believe  the  admi- 
ration of  every  member  of  this  House ;  but  while  I 
pay  this  just  tribute  to  the  merits  of  that  gentle- 
man, I  must  be  allowed  to  say,  that  I  think  he  was 
incorrect  when  he  stated  in  reply  to  the  remarks  I 
made  on  Friday,  that  I  had  failed  to  show  any 
sufficient  reasons  in  support  of  the  resolutions  then 
under  consideration." 

There  was  much  talk,  but  little  was  done.  In  a 
few  days  Congress  adjourned,  and  Mr.  Madison's 
administration  drew  to  its  close. 

It  should  perhaps  have  been  mentioned  before, 
that  in  October,  1816,  Mr.  Madison  had  offered  the 
portfolio  of  War  to  Mr.  Lowndes,  who  had  re- 
spectfully declined  it,  "  conceiving  himself  to  be  of 
more  use  to  the  country  in  his  present  position  in 
the  House,"  as  a  mutilated  rough  draft  of  his 
answer  expresses  it.  In  the  next  session  Mr.  Mon- 
roe made  the  same  offer,  and  Mr.  Lowndes  replied 
in  the  same  manner.  An  undated  fragment  of  a 
letter  to  his  wife  does  not  refer  to  either  of  these 
offers,  but  it  shows  so  clearly  his  determination  to 
be  absolutely  independent  of  all  administrative 
favors  that  I  give  it  here. 

They  would  have  thought  of  offering  the  place 


DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS       157 

of  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  me,  if  they  had  be- 
lieved that  I  would  take  it,  but  they  know  very 
well  that  I  would  not  take  it. 

Your  Federal  suspicions  lead  you  to  attribute 
this  to  hostility  to  the  Administration,  but  the  plain 
truth  is  that  I  would  not  accept  any  office  in  any 
administration.  Now  how  to  reconcile  this  to  some 
Federal  prejudices  against  office  hunters  is  more 
than  I  shall  undertake  to  do. 

Your  affect,  husband, 

W.  Lowndes. 

The  following  letter,  kindly  sent  me  by  Mr. 
Salley,  of  Orangeburg,  shows  that  a  report  of  Mr. 
Lowndes  having  accepted  one  of  these  offers  was 
generally  believed.  It  is  from  Mr.  Govan,  after- 
wards a  member  of  Congress,  but  then  a  very 
young  man,  to  the  Hon.  George  E.  Salley.  He 
says :  — 

New  York,  July  19th,  1816. 

Mr.  Lowndes  has  been  within  a  few  days  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and 
is  I  suppose  as  well  qualified  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  it  as  any  person  in  the  Union,  —  a  man  not  only 
qualified  for  that  office,  but  for  any  that  govern- 
ment might  give  him.  I  had  the  pleasui'e  of  his 
acquaintance  on  my  way  to  Philadelphia,  which 
caused  the  time  to  pass  very  agreeably.  He  is 
perfectly  sociable  and  easy  in  his  manners,  .  .  . 
does  not  treat  with  contempt  the  opinions  of  any 
man,  whatsoever  they  may  be,  provided  they  are  in 
strict  unison  with  his  conscience.  I  went  on  a  few 
days  ago  in  company  with  him  to  the  city  of 
Washington,  at  which  place  I  was  frequently  in 
his  company,  which  was  highly  interesting  as  well 
as  instructing.  He  supports  the  highest  standing 
here,  as  a  modest,  unassuming  man,  and  also  a  man 


158  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

of  the  greatest  and  most  profound  erudition ;  in 
fact,  I  think  him  the  greatest  man  unequivocally  I 
have  ever  seen.  I  am  surprised  to  hear  that  he 
does  not  support  that  standing  at  home  that  he 
does  abroad." 

By  this  time  Mr.  Lowndes  had  become  very 
generally  known  to  the  country  at  large,  and  his 
name  was  seldom  mentioned  without  commenda- 
tion ;  but  there  are  always  persons  who  cannot 
endure  to  see  others  admired,  and  on  one  of  his 
journeys  from  Philadelphia  to  Washington  the 
following  amusing  instance  of  this  occurred. 

He  was  traveling  with  his  friend  Mr.  Rutledge,  of 
South  Carolina  (who  told  the  story),  and  stopped 
to  dine  at  a  wayside  inn,  where  at  table  the  con- 
versation turned  upon  politics,  and  after  leaving 
it,  one  of  the  guests  said  to  Mr.  Lowndes,  "  Sir,  I 
want  you  to  do  me  a  favor.  I  have  written  a 
piece  for  our  paper,  but  1  am  not  used  to  writing, 
and  though  I  know  what  I  mean,  there  may  be 
mistakes.  You  seem  to  be  a  fair-minded  man  ; 
will  you  correct  it  for  me  ?  "  Mr.  Lowndes  took 
the  paper,  corrected  it  carefully,  and  returning  it 
said,  "  What  do  you  know  of  this  gentleman  that 
makes  you  think  so  badly  of  him  ?  '•'  "  Nothing 
positively,"  replied  the  man,  "  but  I  am  tired  of 
hearing  him  praised  ;  every  one  talks  of  him,  and 
praises  him  ;  and  when  you  hear  nothing  but  good 
of  a  man  there  must  be  something  very  bad  some- 
where." Mr.  Lowndes  smiled,  and  said  no  more. 
When  they  had  resumed  their  journey  Mr.  Rut- 
ledge  asked  of  whom  the  man  had  written.  "  Of 
me ;  he  considers  me  a  snake  in  the  grass,  and 
warns  the  world  against  me."  "  And  you  have 
corrected  his  letter  ?  "  "  Certainly,  every  man 
has  a  right  to  express  his  opinions." 

In  the  next  year  or  two  the  mission  to  France 


DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN  AFFAIRS       150 

and  special  missions  to  Constantinople  and  to  St. 
Petersburg  were  offered  him,  but  he  declined  them 
all,  still  thinking  that  the  House  was  his  most  use- 
ful position,  and  that  "  a  public  man  should  remain 
where  he  is  of  most  use  to  the  public." 

The  Fifteenth  Congress  met  on  the  1st  of  De- 
cember, 1817,  and  Mr.  Monroe  was  able  to  begin 
his  first  message  by  saying :  — 

"  At  no  period  of  our  political  existence  have 
we  had  so  much  cause  to  felicitate  ourselves  at  the 
prosperous  and  happy  condition  of  our  country. 
The  abundant  fruits  of  the  earth  have  filled  it  with 
plenty.  An  extensive  and  profitable  commerce 
has  greatly  augmented  our  revenue.  The  public 
credit  has  attained  an  extraordinary  elevation," 
etc. 

How  much  of  this  happy  condition  of  things  was 
due  to  wise  financial  legislation  it  is  easy  to  per- 
ceive. It  did,  however,  fully  justify  the  desire  for 
relief  from  the  internal  taxation,  which  had  been  so 
much  disliked.  Mr.  Lowndes  accordingly  brought 
in  a  bill  to  abolish  these  taxes  entirely  (three 
millions  had  been  kept  by  the  last  Congress), 
frankly  stating  that  he  did  so  by  desire  of  his 
committee,  as  he  himself  should  have  preferred  to 
retain  some  portion  of  them  for  the  present.  He 
pointed  out  the  happy  effect  of  the  tariff  upon  the 
country,  and  said  that,  moderate  as  it  was,  it  had 
produced  a  revenue  far  beyond  his  expectations. 
The  bill  was  passed  at  once  without  debate. 

His  favorite  measure  of  the  sinking  fund,  which 
had  been  so  vehemently  opposed,  proved  most  ben- 
eficial. It  consisted  of  an  annual  appropriation 
of  '110,000,000,  with  the  proviso  that  all  the  money 
remaining  in  the  treasury  over  $2,000,000  should 
at  the  end  of  each  year  be  added  to  it.  By  this  plan 
the  whole  debt  of  $130,000,000  was  paid  off  in  four- 


1G0  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

teen  years,  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  national 
credit.  Of  this  measure,  Mr.  Calhoun,  speaking  in 
1839  of  the  final  discharge  of  the  debt,  said  :  — 

"  For  this  important  step  at  so  early  a  period  the 
country  is  indebted  to  my  friend,  now  unfortunately 
no  more,  —  the  amiable,  the  talented,  the  patriotic 
Lowndes  ;  the  author  of  that  simple  but  effective 
measure,  the  sinking  fund  act,  passed  shortly  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  late  war." 

For  some  years  past  there  had  been  felt  in  this 
country  that  spirit  of  disapprobation  of  the  Spanish 
government,  and  of  sympathy  with  the  Spanish 
American  colonies  in  their  struggle  for  liberty, 
which  has  but  just  reached  its  culmination.  Presi- 
dent Monroe  alluded  to  this  in  his  message  quoted 
above,  saying  :  — 

"  It  was  anticipated  at  an  early  stage  that  the 
contest  between  Spain  and  her  colonies  would  be- 
come highly  interesting  to  the  United  States.  It 
was  natural  that  our  citizens  would  sympathize 
in  events  which  affected  their  neighbors,"  etc. 
"  Through  every  stage  of  the  conflict  the  United 
States  have  maintained  an  impartial  neutrality, 
giving  aid  to  neither  of  the  parties  in  men,  money, 
ships,  or  munitions  of  war.  They  have  regarded 
the  contest,  not  in  the  light  of  an  ordinary  insur- 
rection or  rebellion,  but  as  a  civil  war  between 
parties  nearly  equal,  having,  as  to  neutral  powers, 
equal  rights." 

This  was  a  perfectly  truthful  statement  as  re- 
garded the  government ;  but  it  was  equally  true 
that  notwithstanding  the  many  acts  passed  from 
time  to  time  for  the  enforcing  of  this  neutrality,  it 
was  constantly  violated.  Vessels  were  fitted  out 
in  our  ports,  and  "  men,  money,  and  munitions  of 
war  "  were  furnished  by  private  citizens. 

Filibustering  had  begun. 


DOMESTIC   AND  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS       161 

In  the  previous  Congress  Mr.  Forsyth,  of  Geor- 
gia, chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Rela- 
tions, had  introduced  a  bill,  which  had  been  passed 
by  a  large  majority  of  both  Houses,  to  "  prevent 
the  fitting  out,  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States, 
of  armed  expeditions  against  nations  in  amity  with 
the  United  States,  and  requiring  bond  and  security 
that  all  vessels  while  at  sea  should  respect  the 
neutral  obligations  of  the  country." 

In  November,  1818,  Mr.  Monroe  was  obliged  to 
send  a  message  to  Congress,  saying  that  che  laws 
were  being  evaded,  and  asking  more  power  to 
enforce  them.  Mr.  Forsyth  offered  an  amendment 
to  his  bill  of  the  year  before,  looking  to  its  greater 
efficiency.  The  object  was  to  maintain  the  good 
faith  of  the  government  by  preventing  its  subjects 
from  waging  war  on  a  nation  with  which  it  was  on 
terms  of  peace  and  amity  as  strong  as  treaties  could 
make.  The  popular  sentiment  and  action  were 
natural,  considering  our  own  Revolutionary  associa- 
tions ;  but  it  was  not  an  honorable  position  for  the 
government  to  hold,  and  so  Mr.  Forsyth  declared. 
The  Speaker  (Mr.  Clay)  and  Mr.  Robertson,  of 
Louisiana,  however,  warmly  resented  this  interfer- 
ence with  the  liberty  of  individuals,  declared  that 
the  bill  was  "unjust  and  vexatious,"  and  "had 
been  enacted  for  the  benefit  of  his  Majesty  the 
King  of  Spain."  They  even  went  so  far  as  to  im- 
pute improper  influence  upon  the  President,  insinu- 
ating that  his  recommendation  had  been  obtained 
by  the  "  teasing  of  foreign  officials,"  viz.  the  foreign 
ministers. 

Forsyth  ably  defended  his  bill,  and  Mr.  Lowndes 
supported  him.  He  began  his  remarks  by  "  re- 
deeming the  Act  of  1817  from  the  charge  which 
had  been  alleged  against  it,  as  far  as  his  opinion 
went,  by  declaring  that  act  not  to  have  been  adopted 


1G2  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

in  consequence  of  any  foreign  remonstrance,  but  to 
have  been  the  deliberate  expression  of  the  judgment 
of  this  and  of  the  other  House.  He  had  listened 
with  the  greatest  attention  to  the  remarks  of  the 
gentlemen  from  Kentucky  and  Louisiana,  but  they 
had  failed  to  convince  him  that  the  deliberate 
opinion  of  Congress  at  its  last  session  ought  to  be 
reversed.  But  there  was  less  difference  on  prin- 
ciple than  he  had  expected  to  have  found  between 
those  gentlemen  and  those  who  approved  the  act 
of  the  last  session.  The  Speaker  had  conceded 
that  the  acts  were  unlawful  which  that  law  was 
designed  to  prevent,  and  the  only  difference  between 
us,"  said  Mr.  Lowndes,  "  is  that  for  the  prevention 
of  those  unlawful  acts  we  propose  a  remedy  which 
they  will  not  accept.  On  the  question  of  the 
criminality  of  enlistment  in  a  war  between  two 
powers  with  which  we  are  in  amity  we  perfectly 
agree.  The  opinion  of  the  House  and  of  the  coun- 
try must  be  that  as  long  as  we  profess  neutrality 
we  ought  to  observe  it,  that  our  neutral  obligations 
should  be  fairly  and  honestly  fulfilled,  and  it  was 
because  he  thought  it  the  duty  of  Congress  to  pre- 
vent our  citizens,  by  requiring  bond  and  security 
to  that  effect,  from  engaging  in  the  existing  war, 
that  he  was  willing  to  continue  the  act  which  the 
Speaker  desired  to  repeal."  lie  spoke  of  the  dan- 
ger of  irresponsible  parties  in  armed  vessels  turning 
their  arms  against  any  power  which  they  might 
please  to  attack,  and  denied  Mr.  Robertson's  asser- 
tion, that  it  was  impossible  to  judge  from  the  cargo 
of  a  vessel  what  her  purpose  might  be  ;  "  fixed  am- 
munition, etc.,"  he  considered  offered  a  strong  pre- 
sumption. 

"  For  such  depredations  we  are  responsible,  and 
have  recognized  the  principle  by  paying  claims 
founded  on  it.     We  have  bound  ourselves  to  respect 


DOMESTIC  AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS       1G3 

the  principle  in  a  manner  equally  obligatory,  by 
preferring  claims  founded  upon  it  against  other 
nations.  Having  done  so,  every  consideration  of 
prudence,  of  respect  for  the  character  of  our  coun- 
try, requires  that  we  should  exact  the  security  which 
is  demanded  by  the  Act  of  1817."  "No  duty," 
said  Mr.  Lowndes,  "is  by  the  Act  of  1817  exacted 
from  any  individual  which  the  Speaker  does  not 
think,  as  well  as  myself,  ought  to  be  performed  ;  a 
bond  only  is  executed  that  in  certain  suspicious 
cases  that  duty  shall  be  performed.  Where  the 
hardship,  then  ?  Where  the  commercial  inconven- 
ience of  being  required  to  give  bond  that  while  on 
the  high  seas  the  suspected  vessel  shall  not  violate 
the  laws  of  the  country  ?  " 

Mr.  Clay  said  "  it  was  always  with  very  painful 
regret  that  he  found  himself  differing  from  the 
honorable  gentleman  who  had  just  taken  his  seat, 
and  from  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Relations.  When  differing  from  them  he 
almost  doubted  his  own  perceptions,  but,"  etc.,  and 
then  follows  a  curious  speech  which  puts  one  in  mind 
of  the  old  legal  joke,  "  No  case,  abuse  the  plaintiff's 
attorney,"  viz.  the  foreign  ambassadors,  and  the 
gentlemen  opposed  to  him.  Mr.  Lowndes  at  last, 
in  the  sharpest  speech  that  I  find  recorded  of  him, 
rose  and  said  that  "  He  must  vindicate  himself 
from  the  charge  of  inconsistency,  alleged  against 
him  by  the  Speaker,  but  which  could  not  be  properly 
established  by  taking  a  sentence  or  a  half  a  sentence 
from  a  speech  and  founding  an  argument  upon  it. 
The  Speaker  infers  that  because  I  will  not  take 
measures  to  punish  him  who,  without  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States,  enters  into  a  vessel  armed  by 
a  foreign  authority  and  cruises  on  the  property  of 
foreign  nations,  that  I  must  therefore  be  willing  that 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  within  the  limits  of 


1G4  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

the  United  States,  in  a  vessel  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  shall  involve  the  government  in  a 
responsibility  for  his  acts  with  equal  impunity. 
Mr.  Lowndes  submitted  to  the  committee  [the 
House  in  committee  of  the  whole]  whether  there 
was  any  resemblance  between  the  two  proposi- 
tions." 

Mr.  Forsyth  spoke  again  on  the  facts,  and  the 
question  was  continued,  —  the  chief  importance  of 
the  debate  now  being  that  the  system  of  neutrality 
of  the  United  States  had  been  developed  on  the 
lines  then  suggested. 

Only  another  branch  of  the  same  exciting  ques- 
tion was  the  debate  on  the  proposed  recognition  of 
the  Spanish-American  Provinces,  which  was  moved 
by  the  Speaker  a  few  days  later.  With  the  revolt- 
ing provinces  there  was,  as  has  been  said,  great 
sympathy ;  but  there  was  an  equally  great  lack  of 
knowledge  as  to  their  real  condition  and  people. 
The  average  American  citizen  took  it  for  granted 
that  the  Spanish  South  Americans  only  wanted 
some  assistance  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain  in 
order  to  establish  regular  and  orderly  governments, 
and  to  follow  in  all  things  the  example  of  their 
northern  neighbors.  Old  John  Randolph  had  said 
bluntly  that  it  could  not  be,  and  that  "  You  cannot 
make  liberty  out  of  Spanish  matter;  you  might  as 
well  try  to  build  a  seventy-four  with  pine  saplings." 
In  order  to  gain  positive  information,  President 
Monroe  had,  in  November,  1817,  given  a  sort  of 
roving  commission  to  three  gentlemen,  "three  dis- 
tinguished citizens  of  the  United  States,  Messrs. 
Rodney,  Graham,  and  Bland,"  to  visit  in  a  ship  of 
war  different  places  and  countries  in  South  America 
"  on  just  and  friendly  objects."  They  were  in  fact 
to  see  and  judge  whether  the  state  of  the  provinces 
justified  interference  ;   but  it  might  be  wondered 


DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS       165 

whether  traveling  in  that  style  was  the  best  way 
to  acquire  information,  and  whether  what  is  called 
in  India  "  official  whitewashing "  might  not  be 
expected.  Now,  in  March,  1818,  an  appropriation 
of  $30,000  to  pay  their  expenses  was  asked.  Mr. 
Clay  instantly  pounced  upon  the  act  and  tore  it  to 
pieces.  He  demanded  to  know  by  what  authority 
the  commissioners  had  been  sent,  and  disputed 
both  the  utility  of  the  mission  and  the  legality  of 
the  appropriation.  He  declared  that  "of  most 
of  those  countries  our  knowledge  is  complete," 
an  absolutely  untenable  assertion.  Mr.  Forsyth 
endeavored  to  defend  the  act,  and  Mr.  Lowndes 
moved  to  "postpone  consideration  until  further 
information  was  received."  Mr.  Clay  immediately 
moved  to  send  a  minister  with  a  salary  of  $18,000 
to  "the  Independent  Provinces  of  the  River  La 
Plata  in  South  America."  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Secretary  of  State,  sent  at  once  a  report,  showing 
the  utterly  unsettled  condition  of  things  in  South 
America,  winding  up  with,  "  It  should  be  added 
that  these  observations  were  connected  with  others, 
stating  the  reasons  upon  which  the  present  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  Government  of  La  Plata  in  any 
mode  was  deemed  by  the  President  inexpedient  in 
regard  as  well  to  their  interests  as  to  those  of  the 
United  States." 

Mr.  Adams  thus  quietly  asserted  the  rights  of 
the  Executive  which  Mr.  Clay  had  ignored. 

Mr.  Clay  made  a  long  and  splendid  speech,  de- 
picting in  glowing  colors  the  iniquities  and  cruelties 
of  Spanish  rule,  —  a  tale  which  we,  alas,  know  too 
well.  Mr.  Forsyth  followed,  dwelling  on  the  fact 
that  although  the  Spanish  rule  was  bad,  we  had  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  that  of  the  revolted  colonies 
would  be  better,  —  an  apprehension  which  the  his- 
tory of  the  past  seventy  years  has  surely  justified. 


ICG  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

Mr.  Clay's  magnificent  rhetoric  had  dwelt  largely 
on  the  resemblance  between  the  struggles  of  these 
colonies  and  our  own.  Mr.  Forsyth  replied  that 
the  resemblance  was  confined  to  their  being  colonics 
revolting  against  the  mother  country,  and  gave 
many  facts  to  prove  that  there  was  in  La  Plata  no 
government  worthy  of  the  name. 

There  is  in  the  "  Abridged  Debates  "no  mention 
of  Mr.  Lowndes  having  spoken  on  the  question 
at  all,  but  Mr.  Robertson,  of  Louisiana,  who  there 
follows  Mr.  Forsyth,  addresses  almost  his  whole 
speech  not  to  Mr.  F.,  but  to  Mr.  Lowndes,  quoting 
him  largely.  I  find  among  Mr.  Lowndes's  papers 
a  speech,  probably  the  reporter's  copy,  beginning 
"Mr.  Lowndes  of  S.  C.  followed  Mr.  Forsyth." 
It  is  poorly  reported,  but  I  give  some  extracts  to 
show  his  line  of  thought  on  this  now  interesting 
subject. 

It  is  said  that  it  was  Mr.  Lowndes's  custom  in 
speaking  to  begin  by  giving  a  synopsis  of  the  views 
and  arguments  of  his  opponents,  setting  them  forth 
as  strongly  and  clearly  as  might  be,  and  then  pro- 
ceeding to  give  his  own  opinions  and  arguments. 
On  one  occasion  John  Randolph  is  said  to  have 
exclaimed,  "  He  has  done  that  too  well  this  time. 
He  cannot  answer  that  argument."  But  at  the  close 
of  the  speech  Randolph  was  compelled  to  admit 
that  the  counter-argument  was  conclusive.  So,  in 
accordance  with  this  habit,  he  began  by  stating  Mr. 
Clay's  propositions  and  remarking  that  to  some  of 
them  he  agreed.  "  There  were  many  of  the  prin- 
ciples laid  down  by  the  Speaker  which  had  his  most 
unqualified  concurrence.  One  of  these  was  that 
Peace  was  a  leading  object  connected  with  the  best 
interests  of  the  country.  .  .  .  Fully  concurring  with 
the  Speaker  in  this  position,  he  also  agreed  with 
him  that,  however  desirable,  however  important  to 


DOMESTIC  AND  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS       1G7 

the  country,  Peace  was  not  an  object  to  be  sought 
under  any  circumstances  which  would  lead  to  or  in- 
volve a  sacrifice  of  the  rights  of  the  country.  Or, 
if  the  Speaker  had  satisfied  that  House  that  any 
nation  had  a  just  claim  to  a  recognition  of  its  inde- 
pendence by  this  nation,  to  which  an  injury  was 
done  by  the  delay  to  recognize  it,  Mr.  Lowndes 
would  admit  that  the  recognition  should  be  made 
without  too  nice  a  calculation  of  probable  conse- 
quences." He  then  proceeded  to  show  how  very 
important  peace  was  at  that  time  to  the  country 
which  was  making  giant  strides  in  the  arts  and  in- 
dustries ;  gave  many  facts  to  show  how  much  more 
rapid  her  progress  had  been  than  that  of  Russia,  for 
instance,  or  of  Prussia,  both  of  which  had.  been 
successful  in  war,  and  left  free  for  improvement  at 
about  the  same  time  as  ourselves.  On  another  sub- 
ject he  concurred  most  fully  with  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  :  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  refer 
to  writers  on  the  law  of  nations  to  prove  the  right 
of  an  oppressed  people,  such  as  those  from  South 
America  undoubtedly  are,  to  assume  the  right  of 
self-government.  On  this  head  there  could  be  no 
question  in  this  House,  or  in  the  country,  and  the 
right  to  assist  them  in  their  efforts  no  reasonable 
man  could  deny.  He  then  argued  on  the  "  propri- 
ety or  policy  "  of  exercising  that  right  at  that  time  ; 
showed  that  the  colonies  were  not  agreed  among 
themselves,  so  much  so  that  the  royal  arms  had 
been  successful  in  Mexico  simply  because  of  the 
differences  among  the  people.  The  force  which  had. 
put  down  the  republican  party  was  an  American 
and  not  a  Spanish  force.  Were  he  even  to  admit 
the  expediency  of  recognizing  the  independence  of 
the  Provinces  of  La  Plata,  he  could  not  consent 
tli at  that  power  which,  whether  wisely  or  not,  was 
reposed  in  the  Executive  by  the  Constitution,  should 


1G8  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

be  directed  in  its  exercise,  if  not  actually  exer- 
cised, by  Congress.  As  to  the  wisdom  of  that  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution,  he  thought  there  could  be 
but  little  difference  of  opinion.  Congress  should, 
he  thought,  only  interfere  with  the  duties  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive when  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  those 
duties  had  been  neglected.  Unless  some  such  cir- 
cumstances were  made  out,  the  same  motives  which 
had  induced  the  giving  to  the  Executive  the  power 
to  appoint  and  receive  ministers  rendered  it  highly 
imprudent  in  Congress  to  interrupt  him  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  it.  He  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  Pre- 
sident had  many  more  means  of  gaining  informa- 
tion as  to  the  condition  of  foreign  nations  than 
Congress  could  possibly  have,  showed  mistakes  in 
Mr.  Clay's  facts,  —  not  to  be  wondered  at  since  he 
himself  had  sought  information  wherever  he  could 
expect  to  obtain  it,  and  that  he  found  that  infor- 
mation, particularly  in  relation  to  the  country  em- 
braced by  the  Speaker's  motion,  radically  defective. 
He  showed  the  anxiety  of  the  Executive  for  fuller 
information  by  his  sending  the  three  commissioners 
to  obtain  it,  and  proved  that  in  1815  contests  were 
going  on  in  La  Plata  between  the  colonists  them- 
selves, "  without  the  presence  of  a  single  Spanish 
soldier."  The  principle  on  which  this  discussion 
certainly  turned,  Mr.  Lowndes  said,  was  that  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  which  intrusts  not  only 
the  commencement  but  the  conduct  of  negotiations 
with  foreign  powers  to  the  Executive.  On  this 
point  there  could  scarcely  be  a  difference  of  opinion, 
certainly  none  as  to  the  terms  of  the  constitutional 
provision,  and  he  should  suppose  very  little  as  to 
the  wisdom  of  it.  He  knew  of  no  other  way  by 
which  that  worst  of  all  effects  (so  far  as  our  foreign 
interest  is  concerned),  the  interference  of  foreign 
powers  with  our  deliberations,  could  be  avoided. 


DOMESTIC   AND  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS        169 

There  is  much  more  to  the  same  effect  too  long 
to  be  entered  here.  He  showed  the  evils  that 
would  follow  a  possible  war  with  Spain,  and  the 
improbability  that  the  trade  of  the  South  American 
provinces  would  in  the  event  of  their  independence 
flow  to  this  country  instead  of  to  England,  with 
which  their  relations  were  already  close.  He  did 
not  believe  that  any  advantage  of  maritime  or  nav- 
igating interests  would  follow  to  this  country  ;  "  it 
is  the  navigation  of  England,  and  not  our  own, 
which  is  to  flourish  with  the  independence  and  in- 
creased opulence  of  the  Spanish  colonies."  But 
these  considerations  weighed  not  on  his  mind.  He 
anxiously  wished  the  independence  of  South  Amer- 
ica, and  should  deplore  as  a  calamity  worse  than 
war  any  indifference  to  the  interests,  to  the  liberty, 
to  the  happiness,  of  the  people  of  South  America. 
He  carefully  examined  the  different  clauses  of  Mr. 
Clay's  argument  on  the  "  advantages  "  of  the  South 
American  support,  —  he  had  not  understood  the 
Speaker  that  these  advantages  were  territorial, 
"  for  surely  we  want  no  foreign  aid  in  defense  of 
our  own  soil ;  "  the  maritime  advantages  would  go 
to  England,  —  and  wound  up  by  saying,  that  with 
these  views  thus  cursorily  expressed  he  hoped  the 
motion  of  the  Speaker  would  not  prevail. 

No  one  can  feel  more  strongly  than  the  writer 
how  poorly  this  extract  represents  Mr.  Lowndes's 
speech.  She  has,  however,  found  it  impossible  to 
condense  its  twenty-seven  pages  more  clearly,  but 
fears  that  the  argument  has  lost  its  weight  in  her 
treatment.  The  prediction  has  certainly  been  ful- 
filled, for  English  commerce  rules  in  South  America 
to-day.  No  speech  of  Mr.  Lowndes's  ever  provoked 
such  comment  and  such  opposition  as  this.  Mr. 
Robertson,  of  Louisiana,  declared  that  "  there  are 
certain  cabalistic  words  of  great  efficacy  with  old 


170  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

women  and  with  old  men  of  weak  minds,  of  the  use 
of  which  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  has 
availed  himself.  I  allude,  sir,  to  his  remarks  on 
the  dangers  of  war  and  the  propriety  of  casting 
censure  on  the  conduct  of  the  Executive  ; "  and 
so  on  through  three  closely  printed  pages  without 
adding  information  or  reason  to  the  case.  This  is, 
it  may  be  observed,  the  only  uncourteous  remark 
that  is  recorded  in  the  debates  as  being  addressed 
to  Mr.  Lowndes  in  his  whole  career. 

Mr.  Floyd,  of  Virginia,  laments  "  that  the  hon- 
orable chairman  of  Ways  and  Means  should  sup- 
pose that  an  acknowledgment  of  this  kind  [viz. 
independence]  might  involve  us  in  national  diffi- 
culties :  can  he,  who  is  so  well  versed  in  the  laws 
of  nations,  suppose,"  etc.  He  too  regrets  that  the 
charge  of  interference  with  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Executive  should  have  been  made,  and  says  "  from 
his  iisual  benevolence  of  character  it  was  not  to 
be  expected  of  him,"  etc. 

Mr.  Tucker,  of  Virginia,  curiously  mixed  com- 
pliment and  reproach  when  he  said :  "  There  is, 
Mr.  Chairman,  another  course  of  remark,  which  I 
cannot  but  regret.  It  has  been  said  that  this  pro- 
position implies  a  censure  on  the  Executive.  I 
am  well  aware  that  the  gentleman  from  South  Car- 
olina did  not  mean  to  intimate  anything  personal 
by  the  remark,  yet  it  cannot  but  have  its  effect." 
Mr.  Lowndes  said  that  "  as  he  frequently  differed 
from  the  Executive  himself,  he  could  not  disapprove 
a  similar  conduct  in  others."  Mr.  Tucker  :  "  The 
observation  from  the  gentleman  was  unnecessary. 
His  uniform  urbanity  furnished  a  sufficient  assur- 
rance  that  the  remark  was  not  intended  with  any 
personal  view.  But  though  this  is  the  case,  the 
intimation  that  the  proposition  is  not  in  consonance 
with  executive  opinion  is  not  without  effect.     The 


DOMESTIC   AND   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS        171 

high  standing  and  commanding  talents  of  the  gen- 
tleman render  it  personally  unimportant  to  him 
whether  he  conflicts  with  executive  opinion  or  not. 
It  is  not  always  so  with  others." 

Only  Mr.  Smyth,  of  Virginia,  supported  Mr. 
Forsyth  and  Mr.  Lowndes,  yet  Mr.  Clay's  resolu- 
tion (to  send  a  minister  to  the  United  States  of 
La  Plata)  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  115  to  45. 
It  was  a  triumph  for  the  supporters  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  but  a  spirit  had  been  raised  which  it  was 
not  in  the  power  of  legislation  to  lay. 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  point  of  this  discus- 
sion in  regard  to  Mr.  Lowndes  is  the  scrupulous 
care  to  prevent  the  House  (his  own  favorite  branch 
of  government)  infringing  upon  the  privileges  or 
usurping  the  rights  of  the  Executive,  and  thus 
disturbing  the  just  balance  of  the  Constitution. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

REMAINDER   OF   SESSION :    VISIT   TO   EUROPE 
1818-1819 

Of  even  more  consequence  to  the  prosperity  of 
the  country  than  its  foreign  relations  were  its  fis- 
cal conditions  at  home,  and  of  these  the  most  im- 
portant was  the  position  and  management  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  then  in  great  difficulties.  On 
this  subject  Mr.  Lowndes  made  two  speeches,  both 
of  influence.  The  second,  in  February,  1819,  was 
one  of  the  few  which  he  ever  gave  to  the  press. 
By  that  time,  Mr.  Jones,  the  first  president,  had 
resigned  under  much  dissatisfaction.  His  letter  of 
explanation  and  defense  had  been  ordered  to  "  lie 
on  the  table,"  and  Mr.  Langdon  Cheves  had  been 
made  president,  taking  the  helm  at  a  moment  of 
great  difficulty  and  danger. 

Mr.  Lowndes  wrote  to  Mr.  Cheves  :  "  I  have 
written  off  my  speech  on  the  bank,  and  given  it  to 
Gales.  I  was  obliged  to  give  him  the  rough  draft, 
as  I  had  not  time  to  copy  it,  and  I  think  it  impossi- 
ble that  he  should  print  from  such  a  copy  without 
mistakes  which  will  make  part  of  it  unintelligible. 
I  had  calculated  upon  an  opportunity  of  correcting 
the  proof  sheets  instead  of  the  draft,  as  Mr.  Gales 
promised  to  have  it  printed  in  two  days  after  re- 
ceiving it.  Some  other  business,  however,  has 
intervened  ;  but  it  is  likely  that  those  who  under- 
stand the  subject  will  attribute  that  part  of  the 
errors  which  is  really  owing  to  those  causes  to  the 


VISIT  TO   EUROPE  173 

pen  or  the  press,  and  that  others  may  not  discover 
them  at  all."  He  continues,  in  a  long  letter  on 
different  points  of  vital  interest  to  the  bank,  but  it 
may  be  doubted  if  at  this  time,  when  the  system  is 
so  much  altered,  whether  either  letter  or  speech 
would  find  interested  readers.  The  speech  was 
published  in  pamphlet  form,  and  by  its  wide  circu- 
lation added  greatly  to  the  reputation  of  its  author. 
The  argument  is,  however,  too  close,  and  the  matter 
too  technical,  to  admit  of  condensation  or  extract. 
These  years  of  1818-19  were  years  of  great 
activity  with  Mr.  Lowndes  ;  besides  the  speeches 
already  mentioned,  he  presented,  as  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Coinage,  a  very  carefully  written 
report  on  the  relative  value  of  the  coins  of  different 
nations  and  their  relation  to  our  own.  The  prepa- 
ration of  this  report,  judging  by  the  notes  which 
remain,  cost  him  great  labor.  He  concludes,  speak- 
ing of  a  contract  between  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  and  Messrs.  Baring  &  Reed  :  "  Under  this 
contract  gold  and  silver  were  to  be  furnished,  if 
it  were  practicable  in  equal  amounts,  according  to 
the  American  relative  valuation  of  1  to  15.  Up- 
wards of  two  million  ounces  of  silver  have  been 
accordingly  supplied,  but  not  an  ounce  of  gold. 
As  the  committe  entertain  no  doubt  that  gold  is 
estimated  below  its  fair  relative  value,  in  compari- 
son to  silver,  by  the  present  regulations  of  the 
Mint,  and  as  it  can  hardly  be  considered  as  having 
formed  a  material  part  of  our  money  circulation 
for  the  past  twenty-six  years,  they  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  recommending  that  its  valuation  shall  be 
raised,  so  as  to  make  it  bear  a  juster  proportion 
to  its  price  in  the  commercial  world.  But  the 
smallest  change  which  is  likely  to  secure  this  ob- 
ject (a  just  proportion  of  gold  coins  in  our  circula- 
tion) is  that  which  the  committee  prefer,  and  they 


174  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

believe  it  sufficient  to  restore  gold  to  its  original 
valuation  in  this  country  of  1  to  15^." 

The  country  was  greatly  agitated  at  this  time 
about  the  conduct  of  the  Seminole  war,  which  had 
just  been  concluded.  The  Seminoles,  living  along 
the  borders  of  Alabama  and  Georgia,  had  com- 
mitted all  sorts  of  atrocities,  murdering  men,  women, 
and  children  with  impartial  barbarity.  There  was, 
as  usual,  much  reason  to  suppose  that  the  savages 
were  incited  by  England  and  Spain.  English 
emissaries  furnished  arms  and  supplies,  while  Spain 
offered  a  refuge  upon  her  territories.  Against 
these  savages,  Jackson,  the  greatest  of  Indian 
fighters,  had  been  sent.  He  easily  routed  them, 
and  pursuing  as  they  fled,  found  them  sheltered  and 
protected  under  the  walls  of  Pensacola  and  Fort 
Barrancas,  Spanish  territory.  "Old  Hickory," 
as  his  soldiers  fondly  called  him,  was  not  the  man 
to  hesitate  under  these  circumstances ;  he  pushed 
on,  and  as  a  "  military  necessity,"  as  he  wrote  to 
the  President,  occupied  the  Spanish  towns,  wrung 
submission  from  the  Indians,  and  hung  with  short 
shrift  two  Englishmen,  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister, 
who  were  found  aiding  and  abetting  them. 

Public  opinion  differed  so  widely  about  these 
proceedings  that  in  Congress  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  divided  against  itself,  brought  in 
two  reports.  The  majority  (a  majority  of  one) 
offered  the  resolution,  "  That  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives  of  the  United  States  disapproves  the 
proceedings  in  the  trial  and  execution  of  George 
Arbuthnot  and  Kobert  C  Ambrister."  The  mi- 
nority resolution  is,  "  That  General  Jackson,  his 
officers  and  men,  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the 
country  in  terminating  the  Seminole  war."  The 
House  promptly  referred  the  reports  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  on  the  State  of  the  Union, 


VISIT  TO   EUROPE  175 

and  a  most  excited  debate  began,  which  embraced 
every  possible  point  in  connection  with  the  subject 
and  every  possible  difference  of  opinion. 

Mr.  Clay  (then  Speaker)  spoke  in  eloquent  con- 
demnation of  Jackson,  and  of  all  his  dealings  with 
the  Indians  from  1814  down.  He  made  a  rather 
amusing  comparison  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  to 
which  he  had  himself  been  one  of  the  commission- 
ers, with  that  of  Fort  Jackson,  —  amusing,  because 
what  resemblance  could  there  be  between  a  treaty 
arranged  by  the  stately  commission  of  Ghent  and 
that  concluded  at  the  sword's  point  between  Jack- 
son and  a  Redstick  Indian?  He  spoke  quite 
beautifully  of  the  wrongs  of  the  Indians,  a  theme 
which  unhappily  admits  of  much  piteous  truth- 
telling,  and  arraigned,  not  only  Jackson  for  oppres- 
sive tyranny,  but  the  government  for  accepting  his 
treaty  and  upholding  his  present  acts.  The  Presi- 
dent, he  said,  might  weakly  pardon  the  general, 
but  the  House  should  not  shrink  from  its  duty. 
"  Let  us  assert  our  constitutional  powers,  and  vin- 
dicate the  instrument  from  military  violation." 

Mr.  Clay's  colleague,  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky, 
who  had  been  a  soldier  himself,  warmly  defended 
Jackson,  showing  that  had  he  taken  any  other 
course,  he  would  have  lost  the  fruits  of  victory,  and 
the  war  be  still  continued.  Mr.  lihea,  of  Tennes- 
see, produced  a  fearful  account  of  massacres  and 
scalpings  perpetrated  by  the  Indians,  of  women 
butchered  and  children  thrown  into  the  flames  ;  and 
depicted  Jackson  as  a  hero  and  a  saviour ;  while 
one  kind-hearted  gentleman  suggested  that  if  the 
general  had  made  a  speech  to  the  savages,  remind- 
ing them  of  their  crimes,  and  bidding  them  go  and 
sin  no  more,  had  set  them  free,  "  it  would  better 
have  accorded  with  the  principles  of  humanity  and 
with  the  laws  of  nations."     The  rhetoric  is  curious. 


176  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

One  border  statesman  declared,  "  I  shall  never 
fear  that  the  keen  prying  sense  of  squint-eyed  sus- 
picion will  ever  find  a  spider's  egg  among  the 
leaves,  much  less  a  serpent  entwined  about  the 
branches  of  the  full-grown  wreath  of  laurel  that 
adorns  my  general's  brow.  No,  sir,  Jackson's 
laurels  can  never  scatter  the  seed  that  may  hatch 
some  future  Tarquin  to  wound  the  tender  breast  of 
some  chaste  Lucretia." 

The  worst  aspect  of  the  affair  was  when  the 
attack  was  turned  from  the  general  to  the  Presi- 
dent. It  could  hardly  be  supposed  that  a  victori- 
ous soldier  who  had  just  delivered  the  people  of 
two  States  from  a  horrible  danger  would  receive 
any  severe  rebuke  for  over-ardor  in  the  field ;  but 
it  might  well  be  that  the  President,  who  it  was 
claimed  had  permitted,  or  at  least  had  not  re- 
strained that  ardor,  as  the  law  demanded,  might 
meet  with  severer  judgment. 

Mr.  Tallmadge,  of  New  York,  closed  his  speech 
on  this  point  with  the  words :  — 

"  If  I  am  correct  in  this  position,  General  Jack- 
son is  justified,  and  the  question  only  remains  be- 
tween the  Executive  and  the  country." 

Mr.  Lowndes  did  not  rise  until  fourteen  days  of 
speechmaking  had  gone  by  ;  then  he  took  up  the 
defense  of  the  President.  Beginning,  as  he  usually 
did,  by  recalling  the  statements  of  his  opponents, 
he  spoke  directly  to  Mr.  Clay,  and  said  :  — 

"  That  before  he  entered  into  the  consideration 
of  the  arguments  on  which  he  supposed  that  the 
determinations  of  the  resolutions  before  the  com- 
mittee would  principally  depend,  he  should  advert 
for  a  moment  to  some  observations  made  by  the 
Speaker  in  relation  to  the  treaty  of  Fort  Jackson. 
His  absence  from  the  country  at  the  period  of  the 
treaty   (at  Ghent),  and  for   some  time  after   it, 


VISIT  TO   EUROPE  177 

sufficiently  accounted  for  his  information  being  in- 
correct on  this  topic.  He  had  said  that  it  would 
have  been  worthy  the  generosity  of  the  government 
to  have  given  some  consideration  to  the  Indians 
for  the  cession  of  land  which  it  obtained.  The  re- 
cords of  the  country  would  show  that  this  was  the 
course  actually  pursued.  After  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  of  Fort  Jackson  the  journal  of  the  com- 
missioners who  made  it  was  laid  before  the  House. 

It  contained  a  declaration  of  the  chiefs  who 
signed  the  treaty  that  they  were  not  satisfied  with 
its  terms.  The  same  paper  furnished  the  proof  that 
the  cessions  in  the  treaty  were  not  made  with  the 
free  consent  of  the  chiefs  and  an  exposition  of  the 
terms  on  which  that  consent  would  have  been 
given.  The  House  of  Eepresentatives,  by,  he  be- 
lieved, a  unanimous  vote,  passed  a  bill  which  gave 
to  the  Indians  the  terms  with  which  at  the  confer- 
ence at  Fort  Jackson  they  had  declared  that  they 
would  be  fully  satisfied.  This  bill  had  become  a 
law,  and  if  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  had  been 
such  as  it  was  harsh  to  exact,  the  government, 
which  gave  a  sum  exceeding  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars  as  an  equivalent  for  a  cession  which  by 
treaty  was  to  have  been  made  without  any  equiva- 
lent, had  pursued  precisely  the  conduct  which  the 
Speaker  had  declared  he  could  have  wished. 

Mr.  Lowndes,  then  courteously  remarking  that  he 
will  follow  the  example  of  the  gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky (Mr.  Anderson),  puts  aside  all  irrelevant 
questions  and  goes  straight  to  the  heart  of  the  matter. 
"  Had  General  Jackson  the  right  to  take  St.  Marks 
and  Pensacola  ?  Had  the  President  of  the  United 
States  such  a  right?  The  rights  of  his  subordi- 
nate officer  were  not  greater  than  his  own."  He 
went  into  a  statement  of  the  constitutional  powers 
of  the  President  and  of  the  Congress,  pointing  out 


178  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

that  the  capture  of  these  places  was  an  act  of  war, 
and  that  Congress  alone  had  the  power  of  declaring 
war.  He  therefore  considered  it  clear  that  the 
President  had  no  right  to  authorize  the  capture  of 
St.  Marks  and  Pensacola  ;  and  the  documents  upon 
the  table  proved  that  such  was  the  view  which  the 
President  had  taken  of  his  own  powers.  To  have 
retained  Pensacola  even  until  the  meeting  of  Con- 
gress would  have  been  to  have  changed  the  rela- 
tions between  the  two  countries.  To  such  a  change 
the  power  of  the  Executive  is  incompetent.  To 
have  retained  Pensacola  for  a  month  or  two  against 
the  will  of  Spain  would  have  been  war.  The  order 
for  its  restitution  was  therefore  given  promptly, 
and  without  the  slightest  intimation  of  any  change 
in  the  condition  of  the  Indian  enemy,  or  of  our  own 
army,  which  would  make  its  retention  less  necessary 
or  less  justifiable  than  its  original  capture. 

He  proved  conclusively  that  the  President's 
orders  had  been  not  to  follow  or  attack  the  Indians 
within  the  Spanish  frontiers,  and  not  to  occupy  St. 
Marks  or  Pensacola.  The  responsibility  thus  rested 
with  General  Jackson  alone.  He  then  showed  that 
the  condition  of  things  found  by  Jackson  gave 
great  provocation.  The  forts  were  not  acting  a 
neutral  part ;  they  were  giving  "  aid  and  comfort, 
access  and  information,  ammunition  and  provision 
to  the  Indians."  "  On  these  grounds  they  became 
associated  in  the  war."  He  nevertheless  maintained 
that  Jackson  was  not  authorized  to  occupy  the 
forts,  but  dwelt  on  the  difference  between  the  acts 
of  a  soldier  on  the  field  pursuing  his  enemy  and 
those  of  the  civil  government.  What  occasion, 
it  has  been  said,  is  there  to  do  anything  on  the 
subject  ?  None,  if  General  Jackson  did  not  exceed 
the  powers  with  which  he  was  intrusted ;  but  if  he 
exerted  one  of  the  highest  prerogatives  of  govern- 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  179 

ment,  which  is  confided  to  no  less  authority  than 
the  entire  legislature  of  the  country,  are  we  willing 
to  employ  our  own  powers  when  we  think  it  right, 
and  when  we  do  not  to  let  any  one  else  assume 
them  ?  The  character  of  General  Jackson  is  said 
to  be  implicated  in  the  vote  proposed.  The  opinion 
of  the  world  and  of  posterity  will  not  be  affected 
by  that  vote.  There  is  nothing  in  the  fact  or  the 
resolution  to  impeach  his  military  glory  or  his  pa- 
triotism. But  the  character  of  the  country  does  not 
depend  alone  upon  its  military  exploits.  Its  civil 
institutions,  its  liberty  and  laws,  are  elements  of 
the  national  reputation  quite  as  valuable.  To  sup- 
press our  disapprobation,  if  it  were  merited,  would 
not  raise  the  character  of  General  Jackson,  but 
would  impair  our  own.  He  could,  indeed,  suppose 
cases  where  powers  not  given  by  the  Constitution 
might  be  assumed  by  an  Executive  rightly  and 
necessarily  ;  but  he  could  suppose  none  in  which 
this  assumption  should  be  passed  over  in  silent  ac- 
quiescence. Indemnity  might  be  extended  to  the 
officer  and  justification  to  the  act,  but  the  absolute 
necessity  which  could  alone  furnish  that  justifica- 
tion should  be  recorded  by  the  vigilant  guardians 
of  the  Constitution.  He  examined  carefully  the 
different  circumstances  of  Ambrister  and  Arbuth- 
not,  deciding  that  in  his  opinion  the  execution  of 
the  first  was  justifiable,  but  that  of  the  latter  was 
not.  He  implored  the  House  not  to  run  into  hasty 
legislation  on  any  of  the  disputed  points.  He 
could  not  willingly  add  to  the  evils  of  an  act  which 
he  deeply  regretted  by  making  it  the  occasion  of  an 
improvident  law. 

I  have  given  so  much  of  this  speech  because  it 
shows,  I  think,  Mr.  Lowndes's  peculiar  power,  —  a 
power  not  at  once  understood  by  the  student  of  his 
speeches.  .  On  this  occasion,  almost   every  other 


180  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

gentleman  speaks  with  fire  and  fervor,  appealing  to 
the  patriotism,  the  passions,  and  the  prejudices  of 
his  hearers.  Mr.  Lowndes  alone  speaks  calmly 
and  judicially  of  the  matter  in  hand,  seeking  first 
to  ascertain  the  simple  facts,  and  then  the  rights 
of  the  case.  There  is  no  oratory,  no  rhetoric,  but 
a  clear  exposition  of  what  has  been  done,  and  a 
statement  of  the  laws  and  rights  infringed  or  vin- 
dicated in  the  so  doing,  —  what  justice  and  char- 
acter require  of  the  country. 

Every  other  speaker  must  have  added  something 
to  the  painful  excitement  of  the  House.  He  alone 
reminded  them  that  its  duty  was  not  to  inflame  but 
to  calm  the  people,  and  to  show  itself  worthy  of 
its  powers  as  the  lawmaking  body  of  the  nation. 

The  speech  explains  the  remark  often  made  of 
him,  which  has  been  quoted  before,  that  he  was 
"  not  the  leader  but  the  mediator  of  the  House." 

The  House  finally,  after  six  weeks  of  constant  de- 
bate, rejected  all  motions  of  censure  (Mr.  Lowndes 
voting  with  the  minority  that  the  seizure  of  the 
forts  was  illegal),  but  the  affair  was  never  forgot- 
ten. When  Jackson  was  proposed  for  President 
it  was  popularly  said  that  "  it  was  absurd  to  choose 
a  man  as  guardian  of  the  laws  who  had  in  his  whole 
life  done  nothing  but  break  them." 

This  was  Mr.  Lowndes's  last  speech  for  the  ses- 
sion. The  House  adjourned  early  in  March,  and 
he  left  immediately  for  a  voyage  to  Europe.  His 
health  was  failing  and  his  doctors  insisted  upon  the 
journey.  He  needed  all  the  strength  he  could  gain, 
for  the  painful  Missouri  struggle  was  already  ap- 
proaching. 

His  family  remained  in  Washington  that  the 
boys'  schooling  might  not  be  interrupted.  The  last 
sentence  of  the  letter  to  Mr.  Cheves,  given  before, 
is :  — 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  181 

Mrs.  Lowndes  and  myself  are  very  sensible  of 
your  kindness  in  proposing  that  she  should  spend 
the  next  summer  with  Mrs.  Cheves.  She  desires 
me  to  say  that  it  would  be  a  great  inducement  to 
her  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  that  she  might  be  with 
Mrs.  Cheves  or  near  her.  But  she  has  moved  about 
so  much  for  some  years  past  that  she  is  anxious 
for  the  next  twelvemonth  to  be  as  stationary  as 
she  can.  I  tried  some  time  ago  to  persuade  her  to 
join  her  brother,  who  will  go  to  Ballstown,  but  I  be- 
lieve that  she  will  confine  herself  to  the  ten  miles 
square. 

With  great  respect  and  regard, 

Yours  sincerely, 

W.  Lowndes. 

This  letter  is  written  on  the  4th  of  March  from 
Washington.     Later  he  writes  to  his  wife :  — 

New  York,  March  9th,  1819. 

I  arrived  here,  my  dear  wife,  about  8  o'clock 
last  night,  after  a  journey  which  some  of  my  com- 
panions pronounced  very  distressing,  but  which 
would  not  have  appeared  even  uncomfortable  to 
me  if  it  had  not  been  carrying  me  from  home.  My 
first  business  this  morning  was  to  see  my  sister, 
who  looks  wonderfully  better,  fatter,  and  younger 
than  when  she  left  Charleston.  She  promises  to 
go  to  Washington  to  see  you,  and  perhaps  she  may 
tell  me  when  I  go  to  dine  with  her  to-day  when  she 
will  go. 

The  ship,  which  I  have  seen,  is,  they  tell  me,  a 
very  fine  one,  and  I  do  not  doubt  it.  Her  accommo- 
dations are  certainly  excellent  and  my  berth  is  as 
good  as  any  in  the  vessel.  You  know  I  felt  some 
solicitude  as  to  whether  the  berth  would  be  inclosed 
so  as  to  give  me  a  little  cabin  of  my  own  to  dress 


182  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

in  ;  they  are  all  so,  and  I  shall  have  my  little  cabin 
to  myself.  .  .  .  We  have  but  seven  passengers,  one 
of  whom  is  a  lady  ;  .  .  .  I  have  been  introduced  to 
one  who  seems  to  be  a  decent  man. 

You  know  that  the  children  were  all  up  when  I 
left  home,  and  I  was  not  a  little  pleased  with  their 
farewell.  Mr.  Pinckney  had  a  tear  in  his  eye  as 
well  as  the  rest,  and  all  felt,  and  all  restrained,  the 
distress  which  a  father  wishes  his  children  to  feel, 
when  he  leaves  them.  May  they  be  happy,  is  my 
second  wish  in  relation  to  them.  May  they  deserve 
to  be  so,  my  first. 

I  was  going  to  express  the  wishes  for  your  welfare, 
and  the  sense  of  your  kindness  and  virtues,  which 
at  the  time  of  leaving  the  continent  on  which  you 
are  to  remain  it  is  natural  that  I  should  feel  with 
peculiar  strength ;  but  as  the  subject  places  me  in 
the  situation  in  which  I  left  my  children  I  will  not 
dwell  on  it.  Be  happy  as  you  deserve  to  be.  And 
to  conclude  with  the  wish  which  is  directed,  I  hope, 
to  the  happiness  of  both :  May  we  never  again  be 
separated  as  long  as  we  now  expect  to  be. 
Your  affect,  husband, 

W.  Lowndes. 

Mr.  Lowndes's  sister,  Mrs.  Brown,  referred  to 
in  this  and  many  other  letters,  was  now  living 
in  New  York,  where  her  only  son  had  married  a 
Miss  Livingston.  Her  affectionate  kindness  to  her 
brother  and  his  family  ceased  only  with  her  life. 

Liverpool,  March  30th,  1819. 
The  date  of  my  letter,  my  dear  wife,  will  at  once 
give  you  the  information  which  it  is  the  chief  object 
of  my  letter  to  communicate ;  that  of  our  arrival 
after  a  passage  of  19  days,  (as  I  think)  of  20 
days.  ...  If  I  intended  to  fill  my  letters  with  what 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  183 

I  have  seen  and  observed  here,  it  would  not  be  in 
my  power  as  yet  to  write  on  other  subjects.  If 
I  make  any  remarks  on  the  country  which  I  think 
worth  communicating,  I  will  consign  them  not  to  a 
journal,  but  to  a  sort  of  memorandum  book  which, 
if  it  be  worth  reading,  you  may  read  after  my 
return.  My  letters,  therefore,  will  be  very  short, 
but  it  will  be  only  for  want  of  opportunities  if  they 
are  not  very  frequent. 

He  goes  on  with  tender  messages  to  the  children, 
talk  of  the  beloved  plantations,  and  suggestions  for 
her  comfort,  ending  with,  "  I  still  hope  that  you 
may  break  the  tediousness  of  the  summer  by  some 
excursion.  If  Mrs.  Madison  invites  you,  I  think 
that  the  visit  would  be  better  for  health  and  plea- 
sure than  a  long  journey  would  be,  but  I  wish  you 
to  take  the  journey,  whatever  that  may  be,  which 
you  should  expect  to  find  most  pleasant." 

No  letters  remain  from  this  date  to  May  13,  so 
that  all  record  of  personal  experience  is  lost,  with 
the  exception  of  what  can  be  gleaned  from  the 
note-book.  The  note-book  is  chiefly  interesting  at 
this  date  as  showing  the  unwearying  activity  of 
mind,  and  constant  search  for  what  might  be  use- 
ful to  his  country,  which  made  this  tour  rather  a 
laborious  search  for  information  than  a  season  of 
rest  and  refreshment.  He  begins  with  a  careful 
computation  of  the  different  wealth  of  cities,  the 
causes  thereof,  is  the  wealth  real  or  apparent,  Liv- 
erpool and  New  York,  etc.  He  examines  the  ves- 
sels, the  docks,  the  buildings,  the  navigation  laws, 
and  the  manner  of  enforcing  them,  talks  with  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers  on  all  that  they  can  tell 
him,  and  puts  it  down  with  "  This  may  be  useful " 
constantly  recurring.  Things  are  so  changed  that 
few  of  these  notes  would  be  interesting,  and  Amer- 


184  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

ica  has  not  now  to  go  to  Europe  for  machinery  or 
invention. 

He  mentions  dining  with  Mr.  Roscoe,  the  histo- 
rian of  the  Medici,  and  hears  from  him  the  story, 
then  not  known  publicly,  but  often  printed  since, 
of  the  overthrow  of  the  Catholic  Emancipation  and 
Dissenters'  bill,  by  the  personal  action  of  the  king, 
entailing  the  fall  of  the  Grey  and  Grenville  minis- 
try. On  leaving  Liverpool  he  visits  Birmingham, 
making  studies  of  the  canals,  factories,  etc.,  and 
the  gentleness  of  the  horses.  "  Everything  here  is 
trained." 

Mr.  E.  S.  Thomas,  a  native  of  Boston,  but  after- 
wards a  resident  of  Charleston  and  Cincinnati,  says 
in  his  "  Reminiscences  of  Sixty-five  Years  :  "  — 

"  I  was  there  [in  Europe]  in  1820  and  followed 
directly  in  his  [Mr.  Lowndes's]  path.  The  first 
question  put  to  me  upon  almost  all  occasions  was, 
4  Do  you  know  Mr.  Lowndes  ?  '  .  .  .  His  greatness 
and  goodness  were  the  theme  of  every  tongue.  Mr. 
Roscoe  related  to  me  the  following  anecdote  :  Mr. 
Lowndes  was  a  very  early  riser,  and  so  arranged 
matters  with  the  porter  of  the  Athenaeum  that  he 
could  have  admission  at  an  early  hour ;  it  was  here 
he  whiled  away  time  until  breakfast.  One  morn- 
ing while  he  was  thus  engaged  another  gentleman 
entered,  .  .  .  they  got  into  conversation  together, 
neither  having  any  knowledge  of  the  other.  .  .  . 
Some  hours  after,  the  Englishman  met  Mr.  Roscoe 
and  related  to  him  his  morning  interview  with  '  the 
great  unknown,'  and  said  that  he  was  '  the  tallest 
man,  the  most  unassuming  man,  he  ever  saw,  and 
the  man  of  the  greatest  intellect  he  ever  heard 
speak.'  Mr.  Roscoe  immediately  replied,  '  It  is 
the  great  American,  Lowndes,  you  have  been  con- 
versing with.  Come  and  dine  with  me  to-morrow, 
and  I  will  introduce  you  to  him.'  " 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  185 

In  London  the  same  observations  continue.  On 
the  docks,  the  dredging  machines,  the  construction 
of  bridges,  etc. ;  also  studies  on  the  banks  and 
the  system  of  banking,  and  coinage.  He  seems  to 
have  been  disappointed  at  his  letters  of  introduction 
not  having  been  more  honored,  and  argues  quaintly 
with  himself  why  this  should  be. 

27th.  "  I  have  been  to  the  House  of  Commons. 
An  American  is  struck  with  something  of  terseness 
and  neatness,  with  the  tone  of  good  society  on  the 
part  of  all  the  speakers  (with  the  exception  of  a 
few  lawyers),  and  great  disorder  in  the  House.  If 
they  had  had  desks  it  could  not  have  been  greater. 
A  bill  to  carry  into  effect  the  convention  with  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Robinson  said  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  provide  by  law,  etc.,  etc.,  inter  alia  for 
carrying  into  effect  the  Com.  Convention  prolong- 
ing the  former  law  for  ten  years." 

He  has  much  conversation  with  some  of  the  di- 
rectors of  the  Bank  of  England,  and  declares  that 
ne  finds  "  Mr.  Brill,  the  great  projector  of  large  sea- 
going vessels,  more  interesting  than  all  the  lords 
and  commons." 

"  As  my  scribbling  is  only  to  be  seen  by  myself, 
I  will  say  to  myself  that  there  is  much  more  of  the 
spirit  of  chivalry  (so  to  flatter  it)  in  England  than 
of  representative  government.  I  have  once  got  ad- 
mission to  the  floor  of  the  H.  of  Commons  as  a 
foreign  gentleman,  not  as  a  member  of  a  foreign 
legislature.  But  I  dined  to-day  in  company  with 
two  Italian  counts,  who  have  no  more  share  in  the 
government  of  their  country  than  my  cook  has  in 
that  of  America,  and  they  are  admitted  frequently. 
I  went  upon  the  floor  because  it  was  convenient, 
and  because  I  thought  it  a  fair  return  for  our  cour- 
tesy to  the  English  parliament ;  but  if  I  have  the 
opportunity  (which  in  candor  I  do  not  expect)  of 


186  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

declining  it,  I  shall,  without  assigning  any  reason 
for  it,  prefer  fighting  ray  way  into  the  gallery  of 
the  Commons,  and  paying  it  into  the  Lords.  .  .  . 
My  two  objects  of  observation  in  England  are  the 
people  and  the  leading  men.  Thinking  Rome  like 
Mantua,  '  Urbem  quam  Romam  vocant,  Meliboe, 
putavi  stultus  ego  huic  nostrae  similem,'  and  hav- 
ing letters  to  Lords  and  Members  of  the  Commons, 
I  expected  to  see  them  ;  but  as  my  letters  have  not 
procured  me  the  compliment  of  a  card,  I  must  be 
satisfied  to  improve  my  acquaintance  with  the  peo- 
ple. The  manufactures  and  agriculture  I  hope  to 
see  something  of  upon  my  return  from  the  Conti- 
nent, where  I  shall  go  the  sooner  because  I  have 
been  disappointed  in  the  expectation  of  seeing  some- 
thing of  the  public  men  here.  I  do  not  think  this  is 
a  want  of  hospitality.  It  is  indeed  probable  that  real 
hospitality  is  always  less  in  populous  societies  sat- 
urated with  strangers.  ...  In  England,  I  believe 
that  a  foreign  Duke  would  be  very  hospitably 
treated  by  an  Earl.  I  am  sure  that  he  would  be 
by  a  baronet.  If  there  is  (as  I  believe)  a  differ- 
ence on  this  point  between  England  and  the  Con- 
tinent, perhaps  it  may  be  that  the  English  feel  less 
respect  for  those  who  have  any  public  station  in 
other  countries,  and  indeed  less  respect  for  other 
countries,  and  indeed  that  in  England  every  man 
is  trying  to  raise  his  situation  by  improving  his  ac- 
quaintance. ...  I  am  very  sorry  that  I  have  not 
been  able  to  get  near  enough  to  these  great  men  to 
take  their  measure  ;  but  it  would  be  impossible  to 
be  more  kind  and  polite  than  some  gentlemen  have 
been  to  whom  I  brought  no  letters  whatever." 

"  I  have  just  returned  from  a  visit  to  a  highly 
improved  seat  and  farm  in  Herefordshire  (Mr.  Du- 
rant's),  where  I  have  seen  a  great  deal  to  admire  ;  " 
describes  wire  fences,  cast-iron  sheds,  subsoil  tile 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  187 

drainage,  etc.  "  I  did  notice  a  circumstance  at 
Mr.  Durant's  which  is,  I  think,  worth  observing,  to 
show  how  much,  among  the  causes  which  discrim- 
inate, wealth  predominates.  He  lives  at  the  edge 
of  two  parishes.  The  rector  of  one  and  curate 
of  the  other  live  very  near  him.  The  rector  has 
about  £1,200  a  year  ($6,000),  the  curate  £70  or 
■£80  ($400),  and  though  neighbours  their  families 
never  visit.  The  rector,  who  supped  with  us,  is  a 
polite,  well-informed  man,  and  they  say  liberal,  but 
my  question,  '  Does  he  visit  ?  '  seemed  to  surprise. 
It  was  not  expected." 

So  there  were  snobs  before  the  day  of  Thackeray. 

He  visited  hospitals,  asylums  (which  he  did  not 
think  as  well  arranged  as  those  in  Philadelphia), 
and  New  Market,  and  returns  once  more  to  the 
House  of  Commons.  "  Attended  the  H.  of  C.  A 
part  of  the  business  (not  formal)  done  with  six 
members.  Still  pleased  with  the  style,  in  which 
there  was  great  clearness  of  narration,  and  general 
neatness  in  the  sentences,  but  except  in  Sir  James 
Mackintosh  great  want  of  impressiveness.  The 
*  hear  him  '  is  an  exclamation  given  very  profusely, 
and  with  at  least  as  little  sense  of  excellence  as  the 
clapping  of  a  theatre.  In  praising  Lord  Camden's 
generosity  some  of  the  principal  speakers  attempted 
eulogiums,  many  of  which  studied.  Tiernay  fluent 
and  clear,  Castlereagh  sensible,  a  little  obscure, 
perhaps,  to  the  hearer  (his  sentences  too  long),  but 
his  own  views  sufficiently  clear.  Wilberforce  in- 
terrupted and  not  strong.  Their  greatest  merit  was 
that  they  were  occasionally  elegant.  I  could  not 
help  on  another  question  contrasting  the  Secretary 
of  War  (Lord  Palmerston)  with  Calhoun.  The 
lord,  if  he  had  understood  his  subject,  would  have 
wanted  language  to  explain  it ;  but  his  knowledge 
was  all  of  circumstances,  not  of  essentials." 


188  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

One  would  like  to  know  who  the  persons  were 
whom  he  did  see ;  but  he  mentions  in  his  diary 
only  "  where  I  dined  yesterday  I  heard,"  or  "  at  a 
breakfast  I  was  told  the  secret  of  so  and  so,"  but 
no  names.  All  those,  of  course,  were  in  the  letters 
to  his  wife,  which  have  been  lost.  One  note  of  in- 
vitation from  Mr.  Canning  is  found  among  his 
papers,  and  that  is  all. 

He  returns  to  the  subject  in  the  only  letter  to 
his  wife  which  we  have  from  London :  — 

My  dear  Wife,  —  I  have  put  off  writing  .  .  . 
until  the  last  hour  of  my  stay  in  this  city  that  you 
might  hear  of  my  being  well  just  before  I  leave 
England.  ...  I  have  rec'd  yesterday  the  President's 
and  your  father's  letters  of  introduction,  and  of 
course  can  make  no  use  of  them  before  my  return. 
...  I  have  so  much  reason  to  think  that  the  Lords 
and  Commons  of  this  land  disregard  all  letters  of 
introduction  (from  the  U.  S.)  that  to  spare  myself 
the  mortification,  as  an  American,  of  finding  the 
President's  neglected,  I  think  I  shall  keep  it  in 
my  portefeuille. 

You  must  not  conclude  that  I  have  met  with  no 
hospitality.  I  have  met  with  a  great  deal  where  I 
had  no  sort  of  right  to  expect  it  —  the  freest  and 
largest ;  but,  with  the  exception  of  Mrs.  M.'s  bro- 
ther, it  certainly  has  not  been  from  those  to  whom 
I  brought  letters.  It  all  illustrates  the  country, 
"  you  know ;  "  but  of  all  this  say  nothing  until  you 
hear  more. 

The  President's  letter  was  to  Lord  Holland ; 
it  still  remains  undelivered  among  his  papers. 
With  due  submission  it  must  be  said  that  he  made 
a  mistake  in  not  delivering  it ;  for  Lord  Holland 
was  the  kindest   hearted  and   most  charming  of 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  189 

men,  and  belonged  to  the  school  of  Fox,  well  in- 
clined to  Americans.  A  dinner  at  Holland  House 
would  have  given  the  close  observer  much  to  see 
and  hear  ;  but  by  this  time  his  national  pride  was 
evidently  up,  and  he  preferred  asking  no  notice. 

In  France  he  enjoyed  meeting  Mr.  Gallatin, 
then  minister,  and  met  interesting  persons,  Hum- 
boldt and  others,  at  his  table.  He  writes  to  his 
wife :  — 

"  I  do  not  find,  as  you  may  have  expected,  any 
difficulty  from  my  want  of  French  as  yet.  I  do  not 
mean  that  I  always  remember  the  word  I  want  to 
use  ;  on  the  contrary,  I  am  often  obliged  to  confess 
my  ignorance  and  use  a  paraphrase.  But  I  do  not 
find  this  a  serious  obstacle  to  conversation,  and  if 
my  readiness  in  the  language  improves  as  it  has 
done  in  the  last  two  days,  I  shall  do  very  well  in  a 
week." 

Through  Mr.  Gallatin  Mr.  Lowndes  saw  some- 
thing of  the  public  men  of  the  day  in  France,  and 
attended  several  meetings  of  the  House  of  Deputies, 
which  he  thus  describes  :  — 

"  House  of  Deputies.  It  is  usual  in  England  and 
even  in  France  to  laugh  at  this  body,  and  perhaps 
it  would  provoke  an  incredulous  sneer  to  remark 
that  in  some  respects  their  mode  of  procedure  is 
better  than  ours.  In  England  the  protraction  of 
debate  is  prevented  by  clamour,  and  by  the  obsti- 
nacy of  the  House,  which  refuses  to  adjourn.  By- 
the-bye,  this  obstinacy  would  bend  were  it  not  for 
the  rule,  at  least  a  convenient  one,  which  allows 
40  out  of  to  form  a  quorum.  Their  previous 
question  is  only  a  motion  for  postponement  which 
is  debated.  In  America  we  have  borrowed  the 
name  of  "  the  previous  question,"  but  changed  en- 
tirely its  character.  With  us  it  is  a  motion  that 
the  discussion  shall  close  and  the  question  be  taken. 


190  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

But  as  might  be  expected  from  a  new  application 
of  an  old  machine,  it  is  never  employed  without 
embarrassment.  In  France,  when  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  thinks  that  the  discussion  has  lasted  long 
enough,  they  move  "  la  cloture  de  la  discussion." 
The  importance  of  the  subject,  the  short  time  the 
debate  has  lasted,  any  reason  to  show  that  the  debate 
should  go  on  is  admitted.  There  is  no  difficulty 
in  France,  would  be  none  in  America  in  prevent- 
ing a  general  discussion.  Why  not  as  easily  as 
in  a  question  to  lay  upon  the  table  ?  The  French, 
however,  have  the  previous  question,  ' prealablej 
which  they  apply  either  to  substantive  motions  or 
to  amendments,  and  which,  as  in  England,  is  sub- 
stantially the  motion  that  the  question  shall  not  be 
put. 

"  Their  reading  of  speeches  is  of  the  very  worst 
kind.  When  they  speak  a  Vimproviste  they  are 
fluent,  and  neither  declamatory  or  affected.  But 
as  soon  as  they  write  a  speech  they  press  their 
scholastic  rhetoric  into  service.  Their  manner  of 
delivery,  too,  is  somewhat  tedious ;  their  speeches 
are  not  committed  to  memory  and  spoken,  nor  are 
they  simply  read ;  their  reading  is  interrupted  and 
the  sense  perplexed  by  the  awkward  attempts  at 
gesture  of  the  orator.  It  puts  me  in  mind  of  Roman 
acting,  where  one  man  furnished  words  and  another 
gesture.  Each  was  probably  good  of  its  kind,  but 
in  the  French  chamber  each  is  bad.  I  see  but  one 
advantage  in  the  practice.  The  more  interesting 
the  subject,  and  the  rougher  the  altercation,  the 
more  certainly  does  this  French  assembly  recur  to 
its  pen.  The  effect  in  moderating  violence  is  here 
very  plain,  and  in  this  view  the  plan  is  almost  as 
good  as  if  they  were  obliged  to  set  their  philippics 
to  music  and  sing  them. 

"  We  have  a  difficulty  to  contend  with  in  addi- 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  191 

tion  to  many  commonly  remarked  in  America,  in 
restraining  useless  and  impertinent  debate  which 
exists  nowhere  else  to  the  same  extent.  Public 
opinion  of  the  town,  and  of  the  body  to  which  they 
belong,  has  very  little  influence  with  members  at 
Washington.  The  want  of  a  public  at  Washington 
is  in  some  measure  the  cause  of  the  first,  but  both 
result  in  great  measure  from  the  dependence  upon 
our  constituents.  "  Populus  me  sibilat,  sed  ipse 
me  plaudo  contemplans  nummuni  in  area." 

"The  members  may  talk  or  leave  their  seats, 
and  the  galleries  be  emptied,  —  the  member  means 
his  speech  for  his  constituents  and  he  goes  on 
with  it.  A  press  which  should  state  the  truth, 
which  speeches  are  heard  and  which  not,  would  do 
some  service,  but  such  a  press  would  not  be  sup- 
ported." 

Through  Mr.  Gallatin,  also,  Mr.  Lowndes  heard 
the  following  story  of  how  Louis  XVIII.  managed  a 
change  of  ministers.  The  Due  de  Richelieu's  min- 
istry had  split  in  a  contest  over  the  electoral  laws, 
and  the  duke  found  it  difficult  to  form  a  new  one. 
He  called  to  consult  with  the  king  (one  of  the 
most  astute  of  men),  told  him  of  his  failure,  but 
said  that  in  a  day  or  two  he  would  do  better.  "  By- 
the-bye,"  says  the  king,  "  what  do  you  think  of 
that  literary  controversy  which  took  place  in  Louis 
the  Fourteenth's  time  ?  "  They  talked  on  literary 
subjects  for  some  time,  the  king  resisting  every 
attempt  to  give  the  conversation  a  political  turn. 
Upon  the  last  attempt,  the  king  reminded  the  duke 
of  a  pretty  song  written  by  his  grandfather  the 
courtier-general,  and  sang  it  to  him.  The  con- 
ference closed  and  the  duke  retired.  He  had  been 
unwell  for  some  days,  and  fell  down  in  a  fit  as  soon 
as  he  returned  to  his  own  house.  The  king  im- 
mediately sent  for  Decazes,  etc.     Decazes  was  a 


192  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

personal  favorite,  and  the  king  had  wished  for  him 
him  as  minister  all  along. 

Mr.  Lowndes  admired  Paris  extremely.  "  He 
could  imagine  nothing  more  beautiful  than  the 
part  where  the  public  buildings  are,"  and  found 
public  affairs  very  interesting ;  but  he  was  anxious 
to  make  a  journey  to  the  south  before  it  should  be 
too  warm  for  comfort,  and  he  left  Paris  after  a  ten 
days'  visit,  mentioning  "  General  Lafayette  says," 
the  day  before  leaving. 

He  traveled  malle-poste,  he  tells  his  wife,  be- 
cause in  this  way  he  could  see  something  of  the 
people  of  the  country,  his  compagnons  de  voyage  ; 
and  stopping  at  all  the  principal  places,  he  hired  a 
horse  at  each,  and  explored  the  vicinity  by  riding 
about.  In  this  way  he  crossed  the  Pont  du  Gard 
and  examined  the  Roman  ruins  of  Nismes  with 
great  satisfaction.  From  Nice  to  Genoa  he  went 
in  a  small  felucca,  what  should  have  been  the 
pleasure  of  the  voyage  spoiled  by  the  "  incredible 
dirt  "  of  his  fellow  passengers.  At  Milan  he  hired  a 
carriage  and,  joined  by  an  English  officer,  Colonel 
Temple,  who  had  been  in  command  of  the  Ionian 
Islands,  traveled  in  six  days  over  the  Simplon  to 
Geneva,  and  after  a  short  stay,  thence  to  Paris. 
Through  all  this  rapid  journey  the  note-book  is  filled 
with  jottings,  often  curiously  minute,  of  roads, 
bridges,  canals,  machines,  roofing,  agriculture, 
etc.  All  that  he  can  learn  either  by  sight  or  con- 
versation that  may  serve  his  beloved  country  he 
sets  down.  "  This  may  be  applied  to  our  roads  in 
Carolina  ;  "  "  this  bridge  is  strong  enough  for  our 
largest  rivers."  His  notion  of  rest  seems  to  have 
been  learning  ;  for  when  the  diligence  stopped,  as 
it  usually  did  for  five  hours  in  the  middle  of  the 
day  for  repose,  then  he  rode  about  as  described 
above.    His  health  had  certainly  improved  wonder- 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  193 

fully,  for  on  the  day  of  his  return  to  Paris  he  says 
to  his  wife,  "  I  assure  you  that  not  only  am  I  well, 
but  I  have  not  had  a  moment's  indisposition  on  my 
journey."  At  Paris  he  found  letters  telling-  of  some 
financial  trouble  in  America ;  but  he  answered 
cheerfully :  — 

"  I  am,  as  you  may  suppose,  sorry  to  hear  of  the 
distresses  of  different  classes  in  America,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  failure  in  trade  of  persons  with  whom 
I  am  acquainted.  As  to  the  country  itself,  I  feel 
when  I  hear  of  such  dangers  and  difficulties  much 
as  I  do  when  I  meet  with  descriptions  of  the  dan- 
gers and  difficulties  of  the  hero  in  a  novel.  I  am 
sure  to  find  all  removed  in  the  last  page.  Do  not 
think  that  I  would  speak  slightingly  of  individual 
distress,  but  there  are  many  people  in  Europe  who 
confound  the  disappointments  of  individuals  (to 
which  the  enterprising  character  of  our  people 
peculiarly  exposes  them)  with  the  embarrassment 
and  almost  the  decline  of  the  country  itself,  so  that 
I  am  forward  in  expressing  here  the  mixed  senti- 
ment which  I  feel,  of  sympathy  for  the  individual, 
and  of  proud  confidence  in  the  resources  of  the 
country,  whose  advance  in  power  and  wealth  these 
distresses  cannot  prevent  and  can  hardly  inter- 
rupt." 

His  impressions  of  the  French  he  sums  up  in 
this  way,  saying  first  modestly  that  it  is  a  mistake 
to  trust  too  much  to  such  rapid  observations : 
"  The  disposition  to  place  this  [commercial]  con- 
fidence is  greater  in  England,  and  it  must  be 
admitted,  too,  that  the  inducement  to  place  it  is 
stronger.  With  my  little  opportunities  I  am  satis- 
fied that  it  is  common  in  England  in  the  smallest 
business  to  set  out  on  the  principle  that  character 
is  more  important  than  the  profits  of  each  particular 
bargain  can  be.     In  France,  each  sale  is  a  conflict 


194  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

between  buyer  and  seller."  He  instances  the  bar- 
gaining, the  two  prices  for  everything,  and  ends, 
"  Shall  I  say  the  truth  ?  Honesty  and  its  com- 
panion confidence  are,  I  think,  less  common  in 
France."  Nevertheless,  he  liked  Paris,  as  who  does 
not  ?  especially  the  theatres  ;  the  salons  to  which 
he  had  been  invited  he  found  dull.  He  mentions 
visiting  Mrs.  Lowndes's  old  schoolfellow  Madam 
Ney's  "  superb  hotel  "  (but  unfortunately  the  letter 
is  so  torn  as  to  be  undecipherable),  and  says  that 
he  has  declined  the  honor  of  being  presented  to  the 
king.  After  a  fortnight  spent  in  Holland  and 
Belgium,  where  he  saw  many  things  most  instruc- 
tive to  the  rice-planter  which  he  would  have  liked 
to  apply  to  the  Horse  Shoe  (pumping  engines, 
etc.),  but  where  he  found  his  want  of  Dutch  very 
embarrassing,  he  returned  to  England.  The  note- 
book of  this  second  English  visit  is  entirely  occupied 
with  accounts  of  docks,  breakwaters,  lighthouses, 
and  machinery  of  all  kinds.  A  letter  to  Mrs. 
Lowndes,  dated  Birmingham,  September  10,  1819, 
tells  her  that  he  is  on  his  way  to  Glasgow  to  "  visit 
the  great  highland  canal ;  "  and  also  that  he  had 
been  compelled  to  walk  twenty  miles  the  day  be- 
fore in  order  to  get  back  from  Warwick  Castle, 
which  he  had  gone  to  visit,  and  "  where  the  Prince 
Regent  having  arrived  the  day  before,  they  had  the 
bad  taste  to  prefer  his  company  to  mine."  He  had 
made  the  walk  in  five  hours  without  over-fatigue, 
which  shows  how  much  he  had  benefited  by  his 
travels.  He  says  :  "  A  part  of  the  two  preceding 
days  I  passed  with  Lord  Gambier,  and  as  I  have 
had  but  little  opportunity  of  talking  of  lords,  I 
might  write  to  you  about  this  nobleman.  .  .  .  But 
as  I  like  him  too  well  to  be  willing  to  draw  a  very 
imperfect  likeness,  and  yet  do  not  want  to  fill  my 
letter  with  him,  I  must  reserve  him  for  parlour  chat. 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  195 

I  certainly  never  became  in  so  short  a  time  more 
familiarly  acquainted  with  an  untitled  man.  His 
family,  too,  are  pleasant,"  etc.  Lord  Gambier  was 
a  naval  lord,  had  been  in  command  of  the  British 
fleet  in  the  attack  upon  Copenhagen,  and  was  after- 
ward head  of  the  commission  at  the  treaty  of 
Ghent. 

Mr.  Lowndes  also  speaks  of  great  kindness 
received  from  a  Mr.  Shaw  to  whom  he  had  brought 
a  letter  from  Mr.  Sergeant,  representative  from 
New  York,  and  adds  quaintly,  "  I  do  not  attribute 
all  this  to  Sergeant's  letter,  which  was  in  common 
form.  I  improved  my  opportunities.  By-the-bye, 
I  certainly  never  in  my  life  have  laboured  half  so 
hard  to  ingratiate  myself  even  with  people  whom 
I  have  accidentally  met  as  since  I  have  been  in  Eng- 
land, and  as  to  my  success,  I  have  often  thought  as 
Bonaparte  said  on  raising  the  siege  of  Acre,  '  but  a 
few  days  more,  and  the  place  would  have  been 
mine.'  I  am  sure  that  I  have  never  succeeded  so 
well  in  making  favourable  impressions,  and  never 
derived  fewer  advantages  from  them.  The  only 
consequence  of  all  this  is,  that  I  have  got  a  habit 
which  I  hope  to  lose  before  I  return  to  America, 
of  talking  myself,  and  trying  to  make  others  talk  a 
great  deal  too  much." 

An  accomplished  scholar  points  out  to  the  writer 
that  neither  of  the  two  quotations  given  above  is 
accurate.  The  first  from  Virgil  (Eclogues,  I.  21) 
reads  in  the  original,  "  quam  dicunt  liomam." 
Mr.  Lowndes  has  it,  "quam  Romam  voeant;'''' 
and  the  second  from  Horace  (Satires,  I.  166)  is  in 
the  original,  "  Populus  me  sibilat,  at  mihi  plaudo. 
Ipse  domi  simil  ac  numeros  contemplor  in  area." 
Mr.  Lowndes  has  it,  "  Populus  me  sibilat,  sed 
ipse  me  plaudo  contemplans  nummuni  in  area  ;  " 
"but,"  he  goes  on  to  say  of  these  quotations,  writ- 


196  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

ten  hurriedly  in  traveling,  and  of  course  without 
book,  "  while  not  accurately  cited  they  are  still 
good  Latin,  and  express  substantially  the  sense  of 
the  original.  In  fact,  to  my  mind  the  departures 
from  the  text  are  a  better  evidence  that  William 
Lowndes  was  a  good  Latin  scholar  than  an  exact 
quotation  would  have  been.  It  is  the  careless- 
ness of  the  native,  not  the  ignorance  of  the  for- 
eigner." 

Mr.  Lowndes  returned  to  America  in  October, 
bringing  with  him  "  the  prettiest  toy  in  England,  a 
perfect  little  steam-engine  to  play  with  next  summer 
at  the  Grove.  It  shall  saw  wood,  grind  corn,  raise 
water,  turn  a  lathe,  etc.  Although  I  have  got  for 
fifty  guineas  what  would  have  cost  me  250  if  I  had 
ordered  it,  I  am  afraid  that  I  have  made  rather  a 
foolish  purchase.  I  do  not  believe,  however,  that 
the  largest  machine  in  England  is  more  perfect  in 
all  its  parts." 

As  an  offset,  perhaps,  to  this  little  piece  of  ex- 
travagance he  says  in  his  note-book,  "  Sent  from 
Paris  a  box  of  lace  and  millinery  and  one  of  silk 
stockings." 

He  also  brought  with  him  a  number  of  books, 
many  of  them  handsome  and  valuable,  as  an  addi- 
tion to  the  library  which  he  had  been  forming 
since  he  was  fourteen.  This  library  at  the  time 
of  his  death  completely  lined  the  walls  of  a  room 
thirty  feet  square,  besides  covering  many  desks  and 
tables.  It  comprised,  besides  handsome  editions 
of  the  classics,  and  those  works  of  history  and  lit- 
erature which  might  have  been  expected  from  his 
chosen  vocation  in  life,  many  French  books,  every- 
thing (then)  new  upon  natural  science,  physics,  and 
agriculture.  Unhappily  it  was  completely  destroyed 
in  the  great  fire  of  1861,  only  a  few  odd  volumes 
which  had  been  separated  from  the  rest  escaping. 


VISIT  TO  EUROPE  197 

But  to  a  man  of  his  habit  of  mind  no  material  ac- 
quisition can  have  been  as  precious  as  the  sentiment 
which  remained  to  him  from  his  journey,  expressed 
in  a  letter :  "  Nothing  can  make  a  man  so  proud  of 
being  an  American  as  traveling  in  Europe." 


CHAPTER  IX 

MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  :    ILLNESS 
1819-1822 

Mr.  Lowndes  reached  Washington  before  the 
opening  of  Congress  and  wrote  to  General  Pinck- 
ney:  — 

Wash.  Nov'r.  11th,  1819. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  arrived  a  few  days  since  and 
found  my  family  well.  My  visit  to  Europe  has 
been  more  interesting  and  amusing  to  me  than  I 
expected,  and  yet  my  expectations  were  not  low,  or 
I  should  not  have  undertaken  the  voyage.  I  have 
been  fortunate,  too,  in  my  passages,  as  I  made  two 
in  little  more  than  the  time  supposed  necessary  for 
one.  It  is  very  gratifying  to  see  the  improvements 
which  the  arts  have  made,  especially  in  England, 
but  it  is  much  more  so  to  believe,  as  I  do  very  sin- 
cerely, that  in  those  which  are  most  worthy  of  imi- 
tation we  shall  improve  upon  our  models. 

To  Mr.  Cheves  Mr.  Lowndes  had  written  fully 
from  London,  upon  the  supply  of  specie  for  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  (California  being  yet 
afar  off),  giving  information  derived  from  the  Mr. 
Shaw  already  mentioned,  and  from  some  of  the 
directors  of  the  Bank  of  England  with  whom  he 
had  become  acquainted.  He  now  wrote  again 
(first  speaking  with  great  feeling  of  the  alarming 
illness  of  Mr.  Calhoun),  to  introduce  another  mer- 


MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  199 

chant  who  might  assist  in  this  difficult  business, 
the  supply  of  specie.  It  is  through  the  kindness 
of  the  grandson  of  Mr.  Cheves,  Langdon  Cheves, 
Esq.,  that  these  letters  have  been  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  present  writer.  Unfit  as  she  feels 
herself  to  profit  by  their  discussions  of  banking, 
currency,  bullion,  etc.,  she  is  consoled  by  the  know- 
ledge that  an  admirable  account  of  this  chapter  of 
the  financial  history  of  the  country,  the  manage- 
ment of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  has  been 
prepared  by  the  great-granddaughter  of  Mr. 
Cheves,  Miss  Louise  Cheves  Haskell. 

After  thoroughly  discussing  all  these  questions, 
Mr.  Lowndes  adds  in  a  letter  dated  Washington, 
November  21,  1819  :  — 

"  I  do  not  know  whether  you  have  ever  heard  me 
confess  my  almost  indiscriminate  skepticism  in  re- 
spect to  historical  narration.  Yet  with  this  feeling 
as  strong  as  ever  upon  me,  I  have  a  very  great  in- 
clination to  attempt  the  annals  of  a  short  period, 
and  thus  on  my  own  principles  to  add  to  the  num- 
ber of  fables  for  grown  men.  Could  you  now  and 
then,  at  an  odd  moment,  when  the  business  of  the 
bank  allows  you  such,  note  in  the  historical  way, 
any  of  the  strange  facts  of  which  we  have  been 
witnesses?  Three  words  sometimes  are  sufficient 
to  bring  to  our  minds  what  we  have  forgotten. 
Have  you  still  Mr.  Gallatin's  project  for  carrying 
on  the  war  ?  and  if  you  have,  have  you  any  objec- 
tion to  giving  me  a  copy  ?  The  truth  is  that  this 
fancy,  which  occurred  to  me  in  the  idleness  of  my 
last  voyage,  has  gone  no  farther,  and  possibly  will 
not  go,  than  to  the  collection  of  a  very  few  articles. 
I  have  mentioned  it  to  no  one  else,  because,  unim- 
portant as  it  is,  I  should  be  sorry  that  it  should  be 
known." 

This  was  a  favorite  plan,  and  he  frequently  refers 


200  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

to  it  in  his  letters  of  the  next  two  years.  In  a  note- 
book are  some  of  the  materials  which  he  intended 
to  use.  It  begins,  "  In  this  book  I  propose  to  col- 
lect the  historical  anecdotes  which  I  hear,  i.  e. 
those  not  obtained  from  published  books."  Then 
follow  a  number  of  anecdotes  chiefly  derived  from 
conversations  with  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Jefferson, 
Mr.  Quincy,  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Gallatin,  Mr.  Craw- 
ford, Mr.  Forsyth,  etc.  The  latter  gentlemen  had 
all  been  foreign  ministers  at  exciting  periods ;  but 
with  time  the  interest  of  many  of  the  stories  has 
lapsed,  and  others  have  already  been  given  to  the 
public. 

He  had  paid  a  visit  to  Mr.  Madison  in  1817, 
and  to  Jefferson,  at  Monticello,  at  the  same  time. 
The  following  is  curious  as  an  opinion  of  the  great 
Virginian  orator. 

"  He  [Mr.  Madison]  thought  Patrick  Henry  a 
man  of  genius,  exactly  suited  to  the  body  to  which 
he  belonged.  He  did  not  believe  that  he  would 
maintain  a  high  rank  in  the  present  Congress.  To 
express  my  own  opinion  as  to  his  meaning,  it  was 
that  I,  whom  he  thought  a  mere  logician,  would  not 
estimate  him  highly.  Mr.  Madison  thought  the 
journals  or  debates  of  the  convention  should  have 
no  influence  in  the  construction  of  the  Constitution. 
An  argument  was  often  used  in  defense  of  a  clause 
which  its  friends  generally  thought  erroneous,  but 
they  had  no  interest  in  answering  it. 

"  Mr.  Madison  has  been  more  agreeably  disap- 
pointed by  the  beneficial  operation  of  that  part 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  which  relates  to  the 
Judiciary  than  by  any  other.  He  thought  it 
necessary,  and  had  voted  in  favour  of  such  a  pro- 
vision that  Congress  should  have  a  negative  upon 
the  State  laws." 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  told  me,  that  iu  his  administra- 


MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  201 

tion,  when  a  war  seemed  probable  with  Spain,  he 
directed  General  Wilkinson  to  state  what  number 
of  troops  would  be  necessary  to  conquer  Cuba  and 
Mexico.  For  Mexico,  he  required  only  provisions, 
landed  at  Vera  Cruz.  For  Cuba,  20,000  men  to 
take  and  hold  it. 

"  I  do  not  think  General  Wilkinson's  estimates 
entitled  to  much  credit.  I  remember  seeing  (in 
the  first  session  of  the  Twelfth  Congress)  a  memoir 
written  by  him,  which  proved  that  in  a  war  with 
England  Louisiana  could  not  be  defended  by  less 
than  20,000  men." 

There  are  many  other  notes,  but  of  course  the 
plan  came  to  naught,  the  time  was  too  brief ;  but  it 
served  to  please  and  occupy  some  weary  hours. 

Congress  met  December  6th,  and  in  a  few  days 
Mr.  Lowndes  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Affairs,  and  became  at  once 
engrossed  in  public  business. 

The  fateful  question  of  the  admission  of  Missouri 
to  the  Union,  which  had  been  opened  in  the  last 
Congress,  was  to  be  the  chief  occupation  of  this ; 
but  before  Mr.  Lowndes  had  said  more  than  a  few 
words  upon  it  he  had  the  pleasanter  duty  of  pre- 
senting a  motion  for  the  relief  of  the  family  of 
Commodore  Perry,  a  measure  which  afterwards  pro- 
duced the  most  carefully  reported  of  all  his  speeches. 
The  law  then  was  that  only  the  families  of  those 
men  who  died  from  wounds  should  be  pensioned. 
Perry  had  died  from  ill  health  consequent  upon 
service,  and  the  relief  was  not  due  to  his  family, 
therefore  the  resolution  :  "  That  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs  be  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  ex- 
pediency of  extending  to  the  widow  of  Captain 
Oliver  Hazard  Perry,  the  provision  which  is  now 
made  by  law  for  the  widows  and  children  of  naval 
officers  who  die  from  wounds  received  in  action." 


202  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

In  support  of  the  resolution,  Mr.  Lowndes 
merely  said  that  "  it  was  conceived  that  the  family 
of  Commodore  Perry  was  embraced  by  the  exist- 
ing laws  which  provide  for  pensions,  as  it  was 
not  to  be  supposed  the  generosity  or  magnanimity 
of  Congress  did.  not  intend  to  comprehend  such  a 
case  ;  but  as  this  appeared  to  be  doubted,  he  had 
deemed  it  proper  to  propose  the  inquiry  which  he 
had  submitted." 

"  Resolution  adopted  nem.  cony 

The  affair  is  remarkable  for  one  of  the  very  few 
compliments  which  John  Randolph  ever  paid  to  a 
living  man  (of  dead  ones  he  spoke  beautifully)  ; 
he  said :  — 

"  He  rose  to  offer  a  motion.  He  believed  it 
would  be  very  difficult  for  any  member  of  this 
House  —  certainly  it  was  not  possible  for  him  —  to 
keep  pace  with  the  honorable  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  [Mr.  Lowndes]  in  the  race  of  honor  and. 
public  utility.  That  gentleman  had  by  the  motion 
which  had  just  been  adopted  anticipated  him,"  etc., 
etc.,  and  after  a  short  and  beautiful  speech  he 
moved  "  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  the 
support  of  the  family  of  the  late  Oliver  Hazard 
Perry,  Esq.,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  and  for 
the  education  of  his  children." 

Mr.  Lowndes  "  concurred  with  great  cordiality," 
and  confessed  his  own  motion  to  be  "  very  infe- 
rior." 

Mr.  Hazard,  of  Rhode  Island  (Perry's  State), 
offered  thanks  to  all,  and  the  resolution  being 
adopted,  a  committee  of  three  was  appointed  to 
bring  in  a  bill,  etc. 

Yet  so  slow  was  Congress  that  it  was  not  for 
nearly  a  year  later  that  Mr.  Lowndes  was  able  to 
write  to  his  wife  the  only  exultant  letter  to  be 
found  among  his  papers. 


MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  203 

January  28th,  1821. 
I  have  received  more  gratification  lately  from 
carrying  our  bill  for  the  relief  of  Perry's  family 
through  the  House  than  anything  has  given  me  for 
a  long  time.  It  is  but  $1,000  a  year,  but  I  be- 
lieve they  can  live  comfortably  upon  that.  Ran- 
dolph was  unable  to  say  anything  in  favour  of  it 
[Randolph  was  sick].  The  House  was,  with  some 
opposition,  induced  to  take  it  up,  expecting,  as  half 
of  them  told  me,  to  be  amused  by  a  speech  from 
Randolph,  and  to  reject  the  bill  by  a  majority  of 
4  to  1.  Indeed,  I  did  not  converse  with  six  persons 
who  were  in  favour  of  it.  I  made  a  very  short 
speech,  which,  however,  was  the  result  of  the  best 
effort  I  was  able  to  make  in  its  favour.  It  suc- 
ceeded better  than  anything  I  ever  did.  We  re- 
jected almost  unanimously  an  amendment  which 
without  my  speech  I  am  sure  would  have  been  car- 
ried by  a  very  large  majority  [an  amendment  to 
limit  the  pension  to  five  years],  and  ultimately  the 
bill  passed  the  House  by  a  majority  of  ten  votes. 
I  believe  there  is  no  doubt  of  its  passage  in  the 
Senate.  In  all  this  there  may  be  vanity,  but  I  hope 
there  is  not ;  I  was  so  anxious  for  success  and  so 
doubtful  of  it  that  I  was  exceedingly  delighted 
when  it  occurred.  ...  I  would  not  give  my  speech 
to  Gales  [for  the  paper],  because  I  don't  want  the 
character  of  a  maker  of  fine  speeches,  but  I  send  it 
to  you  in  the  hope  that  it  may  please  you. 

Curiously  enough,  in  the  account  of  the  pas- 
sage of  this  bill  in  the  "  Abridged  Debates  "  Mr. 
Lowndes's  name  is  not  mentioned.  No  one  would 
know  that  he  had  then,  January  23,  1821,  spoken 
at  all,  but  after  his  death,  the  speech,  which  he  had 
written  out  at  the  request  of  his  friend,  Senator 
Silsbie,  of  Massachusetts,  was  inserted  by  Mr.  Ben- 


201  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

ton  in  the  "  Debates  "  as  a  "  Supplemental  Speech." 
Being  printed  there  in  full,  —  the  only  one  of  his 
speeches  so  printed,  —  it  is  not  given  here,  although 
the  MS.  copy  sent  to  his  wife  is  still  preserved  by 
his  descendants. 

The  efforts  being  made  at  this  present  time  for 
the  establishment  of  the  rights  of  neutrals  and  the 
protection  of  private  property  upon  the  high  seas 
give  a  peculiar  interest  to  the  following  words  of 
Mr.  Lowndes  taken  from  Niles's  "  Register."  He 
had,  as  has  been  remarked,  steadily  opposed  pri- 
vateering, even  when  it  seemed  most  advantageous 
to  the  United  States,  and  now  it  came  to  him  as 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 
to  present  a  report  on  two  "  Memorials  of  citizens 
of  Ohio,  praying  the  suppression  of  privateering." 
The  report  says  :  — 

"  They  [the  memorialists]  are  considered  by  the 
Committee  as  recommending  such  a  change  in  these 
laws  as  shall  exempt  the  property  of  individuals 
from  capture,  either  by  public  or  private  ships  of 
war,  at  least  when  it  does  not  consist  of  contraband 
articles,  and  is  not  destined  to  a  blockaded  port. 
The  general  benevolence  which  is  expressed,  as 
well  as  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Franklin  which  is  re- 
ferred to  by  the  memorialists,  seem  to  prove  that 
it  is  their  wish  that  the  property  which  subserves  no 
purpose  of  war  should  be  as  safe  upon  the  sea  as 
upon  the  land,  not  that  it  should  be  secured  from 
private  citizens  to  be  left  exposed  to  public  ships, 
etc. 

"  It  cannot  indeed  be  presumed  that  the  memori- 
alists should  wish  a  change  in  maritime  law,  which 
woidd  produce  very  little  diminution  in  the  dangers 
of  our  commerce  in  a  conflict  with  any  considerable 
naval  power,  while  it  would  wrest  from  our  hands 
what  we  have  hitherto  considered  as  one  of  our  prin- 


MISSOURI   STRUGGLE  205 

cipal  means  of  annoyance.  It  is  the  security  of 
fair  and  harmless  commerce  from  all  attack  which 
the  memorialists  must  desire.  It  is  the  introduc- 
tion of  a  system  which  shall  confine  the  immediate 
injuries  of  war  to  those  whose  sex  and  age  and 
occupations  do  not  unfit  them  for  the  struggle.  If 
these  are  the  wishes  of  the  memorialists,  the  Com- 
mittee express  their  concurrence  in  them  without 
hesitation. 

"  The  Committee  think  that  it  will  be  right  in 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  renew  its 
attempt  to  obtain  the  mitigation  of  a  barbarous  code 
whenever  there  shall  be  probability  of  success. 
They  do  not  doubt  it  will  do  so. 

"  The  Committee  are  not  unaware  that  the  United 
States  are  better  situated  than  any  other  nation  to 
profit  by  privateering,  but  they  are  far  from  op- 
posing this  calculation  to  a  regulation,  which,  if 
the  powers  of  the  world  would  adopt  it,  they  too 
should  consider  as  a  '  happy  improvement '  in  the 
law  of  nations." 

At  the  close  of  the  Crimean  War,  a  correspond- 
ence took  place  between  Secretary  Marcy  and  the 
European  powers.  Mr.  Marcy's  letter  seems  to 
have  been  anticipated  by  the  report  above,  and 
also  the  efforts  which  at  this  present  moment 
(June,  1899)  the  representatives  of  America  are 
making  at  the  Hague  in  the  cause  of  civilization 
and  humanity. 

From  December,  1819,  to  March,  1820,  the  de- 
bates upon  what  was  long  known  as  the  "  Missouri 
Question  "  went  on.  Missouri,  a  portion  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase,  having  now  sufficient  popula- 
tion, applied  to  the  government  to  be  received  as  a 
State.  Maine  applied  about  the  same  time.  The 
bill  brought  in  was  simply  "  to  authorize  the  people 
of  the  Missouri  territory  to  organize  a  Constitution 


20G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

and  State  government,  and  for  the  admission  of  the 
same  into  the  Union."  Almost  instantly  came  the 
amendment  prohibiting  "  the  further  introduction 
of  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  except  for  the 
punishment  of  crimes,"  etc.,  and  "  that  all  children 
born  within  the  limits  of  the  said  State,  after  the 
admission  thereof  into  the  Union,  shall  be  free  at 
the  age  of  twenty-five  years."  This  meant  that 
there  were  already  many  slaves  in  Missouri,  and 
looked  to  the  emancipation  of  their  children.  The 
House  sat  as  committee  of  the  whole,  and  North 
and  South  for  the  first  time  stood  solidly  against 
each  other. 

It  is  an  old  story  now,  and  it  is  needless  to  go 
into  it.  The  simple  constitutional  question,  "  Has 
Congress  power  to  limit  the  constitution  of  a  State 
which  complies  with  demands  already  prescribed  ?  " 
was  answered  differently  according  to  latitude,  as 
such  questions  have  been  answered  since.  When 
one  reads  the  speeches  it  seems  wonderful  that  war 
was  not  declared  then  and  there.  The  most  oppro- 
brious epithets  were  hurled  at  the  slaveholders,  who 
were  quite  able  to  take  their  own  part.  The  real 
difficulty,  screened  by  the  humanitarian  question, 
was  the  balance  of  power,  as  Rufus  King,  of  New 
York,  candidly  declared.  If  the  whole  Louisiana 
purchase  were  cut  into  slave  States,  the  South 
would  gain  the  majority  ;  if  slavery  were  excluded, 
then  the  North,  which  held  it  already,  would  gain 
such  supremacy  that  the  South  would  find  herself 
hopelessly  outvoted.  The  Southerners  knew  well 
that  to  them  it  was  life  or  death.  That  measure 
carried,  their  whole  system  of  society  would  go,  all 
soothing  assurances  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing, and  Macon  of  North  Carolina  meant  just  what 
he  said  when  he  declared,  — 

"  It  may  be  a  matter  of  philosophy  and  abstrac- 


MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  207 

tion  with  the  gentlemen  from  the  East,  but  it  is  a 
different  thing  with  us.  They  may  philosophize 
and  town  meeting  about  it  as  much  as  they  please, 
but,  with  great  submission,  sir,  they  know  nothing 
about  the  question." 

In  this  controversy  Mr.  Lowndes  at  first  spoke 
but  little.  He  was  one  of  the  committee  appointed 
to  confer  with  the  Senate,  and  as  such  spoke  briefly 
in  support  of  the  compromise  offered  by  the  com- 
mittee of  conference,  and  urged  with  great  eai-- 
nestness  the  propriety  "  of  a  decision  which  would 
restore  tranquillity  to  the  country,  which  was  de- 
manded by  every  consideration  of  discretion,  of 
moderation,  of  wisdom,  and  of  virtue." 

This  compromise  (the  first  on  this  question)  al- 
lowed Missouri  to  make  her  constitution  unre- 
stricted, but  forbade  slavery  in  all  other  parts  of 
the  Louisiana  purchase  north  of  thirty-six  degrees 
six  minutes,  north  latitude. 

This  bill  was  voted  on  and  carried  on  the  2d  of 
March,  1820,  and  gave  peace  for  a  time. 

The  remainder  of  the  session  was  chiefly  occupied 
with  the  Spanish  treaty  and  the  revision  of  the 
tariff,  on  both  of  which  questions  Mr.  Lowndes 
spoke  at  length. 

Having  himself  proposed  the  first  tariff  for  pro- 
tection, he  was  deeply  concerned  now  that  the  use- 
ful instrument  should  not  become  a  weapon  of  of- 
fense. The  manufacturing  interest  claimed  such 
large  increase  of  duties  that  he  could  but  be  alarmed. 
In  his  speech,  April  20,  1820,  he  went  largely  into 
the  danger  of  favoring  one  industry  at  the  ex- 
pense of  others,  contrary  to  every  principle  of  politi- 
cal economy.  He  went  considerably  into  detail  as 
to  where  it  was  proposed  to  do  this,  and  dwelt  most 
especially  on  the  injury  which  an  excessive  tariff 
discouraging  navigation  would  be  to  the  commerce, 


208  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

the  shipping  interests  of  a  ccmntry.  The  East  In- 
dian trade,  he  said,  "  would  be  almost  destroyed  by 
this  tariff,  and  the  East  Indian  trade  gave  bread  to 
hundreds  of  hardy  sailors,  sailors  who  were  invalu- 
able to  the  nation  in  time  of  war,"  —  thus  return- 
ing, now  that  the  end  of  his  career  was  so  near,  to 
his  first  and  abiding  interest,  the  navy. 

In  November,  1820,  Congress  met  again.  Mr. 
Clay  resigned  the  speakership,  and  Mr.  Lowndes 
was  among  those  spoken  of  as  his  successor.  This 
appears  to  have  been  the  only  public  position  which 
Mr.  Lowndes  ever  desired,  but  he  was  doomed  to 
disappointment.  Party  spirit  was  naturally  high, 
and  Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  who  had  been  one 
of  the  leaders  on  the  Missouri  question,  was  elected 
after  three  days  of  incessant  balloting.  "  Mr. 
Lowndes  had  been  within  one  vote  of  the  requisite 
number,"  says  John  Quincy  Adams  in  his  journal, 
"  but  fourteen  were  diverted  from  him  by  the  can- 
didacy of  General  X ,  of  G ,  a  man  ruined 

in  fortune  and  reputation,  yet  who  commanded 
votes  enough  to  defeat  the  election  of  Lowndes,  a 
man  of  irreproachable  character,  amiable  disposi- 
tion, and  popular  manners." 

Mr.  Lowndes  took  the  disappointment  philoso- 
phically ;  his  wife  had  some  natural  regrets.  He 
wrote  to  her  on  the  30th  November  a  very  charac- 
teristic letter.  The  first  page  is  entirely  filled  with 
the  threatened  ailment  of  one  of  the  children ;  then 
comes,  — 

"  I  am  very  sorry  that  you  are  so  much  mortified 
at  the  loss  of  my  election.  I  am  not  sensible  that  I 
have  felt  any  mortification.  I  do  not  think  it  was 
a  personal  question ;  but  Mr.  Taylor  was  preferred 
principally  because  he  was  a  Northern  man,  and 
some  of  his  votes  were  given  to  him  under  an  en- 
gagement made  the  last  session,  when  I  refused  to 


MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  209 

serve.  Some  of  those  gentlemen  from  the  North, 
indeed,  who  had  asked  me  to  serve  and  pressed  it, 
finding  that  I  would  not,  had  entered  into  the  en- 
gagement to  secure  a  Northern  Speaker.  The  most 
awkward  part  of  the  business  was  receiving  their 
apologies.  I  told  them  that  I  had  certainly  no 
reason  to  complain,  that  I  was  very  sensible  of  the 
compliment  which  they  paid  in  first  proposing  me, 
and  of  the  obligation  afterwards  imposed  of  voting 
for  a  different  candidate. 

"  Perhaps  one  consideration  ought  to  have  morti- 
fied me  more  than  it  did.  The  strong  objection  to 
me  certainly  arose  from  the  fear  that  I  might  em- 
ploy the  power  I  should  have  as  Speaker  to  affect 
the  result  of  the  Missouri  question.  This  was  per- 
haps a  compliment  to  my  talents  at  the  expense  of 
my  honour.  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  I  shall  have 
more  weight  on  that  and  on  every  question  as  a 
member  than  as  Speaker,  but  I  shall  be  unable  to 
withdraw  myself,  as  I  hoped  to  have  done,  from 
the  active  business  of  the  House." 

This  is  followed  by  minute  directions  for  "  deep 
trench  ploughing,"  "  sowing  lucerne,"  and  remarks 
on  making  the  Grove  a  "  grass  farm." 

Congress  was  no  sooner  organized  than  the  Mis- 
souri question  came  up  again.  Missouri,  having 
been  authorized  at  the  last  session  to  "  form  a  con- 
stitution," now  presented  one  with  a  clause  prohib- 
iting free  negroes  or  mulattoes  from  settling1  within 
her  boundaries.  This  instantly  provoked  opposi- 
tion. A  committee  of  three,  Mr.  Lowndes,  Mr. 
Sergeant,  and  Mr.  Smith,  were  appointed  to  report 
on  the  constitution. 

Mr.  Lowndes's  report  has  always  been  considered 
one  of  the  best  ever  brought  in  to  Congress. 
(Abridged  Debates,  vol.  vii.  page  6.)  It  is  too 
long  to  be  given  here  and  too  good  to  be  abridged. 


210  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

It  examines  the  case  so  calmly  and  dispassionately 
that  Mr.  Lowndes  was  asked  ironically  whether  he 
came  from  North  or  South.  Yet,  yielding  no  jot 
or  tittle  of  State's  Rights,  the  report  asserted  that 
Missouri,  having  complied  with  the  orders  of  Con- 
gress at  the  last  session,  was  already  a  State,  and 
as  such  entitled  to  admission  to  the  Union.  It 
stated  the  facts  and  precedents  bearing  upon  the 
case,  as,  for  instance,  that  Delaware  had  a  similar 
clause  in  her  constitution,  and  pointed  out  what 
would  be  the  consequences  of  exposing  the  interests 
of  the  people  and  the  government  to  the  disorgan- 
ized condition  consequent  upon  rejection.  It  urged 
that,  the  State  being  admitted,  doubtful  clauses 
should  be  submitted  to  the  Judiciary  of  the  United 
States,  as  the  last  authority,  concluding,  "  If  Con- 
gress shall  determine  neither  to  expound  clauses 
which  are  obscure,  nor  to  decide  constitutional  ques- 
tions which  must  be  difficult  and  perplexing,  equally 
interesting  to  old  States,  whom  our  construction 
could  not,  as  to  the  new  whom  it  ought  not  to  cd 
erce,  the  rights  and  duties  of  Missouri  will  be  left 
to  the  determination  of  the  same  temperate  and 
impartial  tribunal  which  has  decided  the  conflicting 
claims,  and  received  the  confidence  of  the  other 
States.  .  .  .  The  committee  recommend  .  .  .  that 
the  State  of  Missouri  shall  be,  and  is  hereby 
declared  to  be,  one  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
and  is  admitted  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  original  States  in  all  respects  whatever." 

Mr.  Lowndes  moved  to  refer  the  resolution  to  the 
House  in  committee  of  the  whole,  and  remarked 
that  it  should  not  be  taken  up  without  full  notice 
to  all  parties  concerned  ;  and  if  no  other  person 
did,  he  should  himself,  when  proposing  to  call  for 
the  consideration  of  the  report,  give  a  day  or  two 
notice  of  his  intention  to  do  so.     Whilst  up  he 


MISSOURI  STRUGGLE  211 

took  occasion  to  say,  that  "  this  report,  as  indeed 
all  reports  of  committees,  must  be  considered  as  the 
act  of  a  majority,  and  not  as  expressing  the  senti- 
ments of  every  individual  of  the  committee."  The 
report  certainly  did  not  express  the  sentiments  of 
Mr.  Sergeant,  of  Pennsylvania  (the  second  mem- 
ber), for  in  the  subsequent  debate  he  became  the 
chief  opponent  of  the  resolution. 

On  the  6th  of  December,  Mr.  Lowndes  opened 
the  debate  on  this  new  branch  of  the  subject  by  a 
speech  which  is  given  in  full  in  the  "  Abridged 
Debates,"  vol.  vii.  page  12.  It  is  of  this  speech 
that  Benton  says  that  the  first  words  were  lost  to 
the  reporter  from  the  noise  made  by  members  leav- 
ing their  seats  to  get  near  him. 

"  Mr.  Lowndes  being  one  of  those,  so  rare  in 
every  assembly,  around  whom  members  clustered 
when  he  rose  to  speak,  so  that  not  a  word  should, 
be  lost,  where  every  word  was  to  be  luminous  with 
intelligence,  and  captivating  with  candor.  This 
clustering  around  him,  always  the  case  with  Mr. 
Lowndes  when  he  rose  to  speak,  was  more  than 
usually  eager  upon  this  occasion,  from  the  circum- 
stances under  which  he  spoke ;  the  circumstances 
of  the  Union  verging  to  dissolution,  and  his  own 
condition  verging  to  the  grave.  By  his  efforts  and 
those  of  other  patriots  the  Union  was  saved.  No 
skill  or  care  could  stay  his  own  march  to  that  un- 
discovered country  from  whose  bourne  no  traveler 
returns." 

Mr.  Thomas,  of  Massachusetts,  quoted  above, 
says  "  He  was  listened  to,  as  to  the  oracles  of 
truth." 

The  speech,  carefully  reported,  is  interesting,  con- 
veying as  it  does  the  views  of  an  absolutely  just  and 
upright  man,  learned  in  the  lore  of  statesmanship, 
not  only  on  the  particular  case  but  upon  the  duties 


212  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

of  Congress  and  members  of  Congress  towards  the 
work  of  their  own  body.  Could  they  grant  a  right 
at  one  session  and  resume  it  at  another  ?  Could 
Congress  declare  that  unconstitutional  in  a  new 
State  which  was  constitutional  in  an  old?  Should 
Congress  take  upon  itself  to  decide  such  questions 
as  properly  belonged  to  the  Judiciary?  Was  not 
the  Judiciary  the  proper  tribunal  for  such  ques- 
tions at  this  ?  (the  right  to  exclude  free  negroes) 
etc.  The  speech  was  said  to  have  produced  great 
effect ;  but  the  ranks  were  set  for  battle,  not  for 
debate,  and  after  another  week  of  "  talking,"  as 
Carlyle  would  say,  the  bill  for  the  admission  of 
Missouri  was  lost  by  a  strict  North  and  South  vote, 
93  against  79. 

In  writing  to  his  wife  Mr.  Lowndes  says  :  "  I  send 
you  a  terribly  long  speech  on  the  Missouri  question. 
If  you  will  try  to  read  it,  I  advise  you  only  to  at- 
tempt the  last  two  pages." 

Mr.  Benton  says  that  this  is  the  last  considerable 
speech  which  he  ever  made ;  but  he  spoke  several 
« times  in  the  succeeding  weeks,  briefly,  on  the  bank 
question,  and  also  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Archer,  of 
Virginia,  to  "  inquire  into  the  condition  of  things  in 
Missouri,"  and  presented  a  memorial  from  citizens 
of  Missouri,  which  the  House  refused  to  consider. 

He  still  had  great  hopes  of  being  able  to  effect 
a  compromise  by  inducing  Missouri  voluntarily  to 
remove  the  offensive  provision  from  her  constitu- 
tion (which  she  ultimately  did),  and  there  are 
notes  hardly  more  legible  than  shorthand,  on  scraps 
of  paper,  on  this  subject.  But  his  health  was  giv- 
ing way  fast ;  others  appear  to  have  been  more 
sensible  than  he  himself  was  of  the  decline,  and 
when,  on  February  10th,  Mr.  Clay,  who  had  been 
absent  for  a  great  part  of  the  session,  revived  the 
question  of  the  South  American  Provinces,  he  was 


ILLNESS  213 

not  in  the  House.  Mr.  Reid,  of  Georgia,  moved 
to  "  postpone  consideration  owing  to  the  absence 
of  the  gentleman  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs."  Mr.  Clay  answered  "  that  he 
had  conferred  with  his  friend  the  head,  etc.,  etc., 
who  was  absent  from  a  slight  indisposition,  and  did 
not  wish  to  be  sent  for." 

This  "  slightin  disposition  "  was  the  beginning 
of  the  end,  for,  although  he  lived  eighteen  months 
longer,  he  never  was  well  again.  He  wrote  to  his 
wife  on  February  13,  1821 :  — 

My  dear  Wife,  —  As  I  know  that  you  do  not 
like  to  be  kept  in  ignorance  as  to  what  of  good  or 
ill  may  betide  me,  I  find  myself  obliged  to  tell  you, 
that  my  old  acquaintance  the  rheumatic  fever  has 
paid  me  his  decennial  visit.  [It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  it  was  rheumatic  fever  contracted  in 
England  at  the  age  of  six  which  was  the  beginning 
of  all  his  ill  health.]  I  believe  that  the  attack  is 
not  likely  to  be  as  violent  as  the  preceding  ones, 
and,  having  been  bled  twice  at  its  first  appearance, 
a  good  deal  of  benefit  is  likely  to  have  resulted 
from  that  specific.  ...  I  have  scarcely  any 
rheumatism  except  in  my  limbs ;  my  body  and 
head  are  almost  entirely  exempt.  My  fever,  too, 
is  much  reduced,  and  yet  I  do  not  mean  to  tell 
you  that  I  am  nearly  well,  for  I  find  it  impossible 
to  go  to  the  House  even  upon  this  all-interesting 
Missouri  question.  My  friends  think  that  they 
will  carry  it  to-day.  By-the-bye,  my  right  hand 
and  arm  are  by  a  good  deal  my  worst  limb,  so  that 
you  will  excuse  a  short  letter. 

Mr.  Clay  had  taken  charge  of  the  cause  of 
Missouri,  but  she  was  not  admitted  for  another 
month  —  expunging  the  disputed  clause. 


214  WILLIAM  LOWNDES 

The  illness  continued  to  the  end  of  the  session, 
and  the  notes  to  Mrs.  Lowndes  are  curious  tales  of 
bleeding,  etc.  How  any  one  who  chanced  to  fall 
ill  ever  recovered  in  those  days  is  a  wonder.  In 
one  letter  he  says  :  "  I  am  growing  very  uneasy  in 
the  apprehension  that  I  shan't  be  able  to  go  away 
for  some  time,  and  then  by  water.  I  have  a  strong 
repugnance  to  the  change  of  plan,  but  may  be 
obliged  to  submit  to  both.  Your  letters  and  the 
children's  are  the  only  things  I  can  read,  and  it 
seems  to  me  that  I  get  fewer  of  these  than  I  used." 

Mrs.  Lowndes  was  unable  at  this  time  to  go  to 
her  husband,  and  his  sister,  Mrs.  Brown,  with  her 
usual  kindness,  offered  to  come  from  New  York  to 
nurse  him,  but  he  declined  the  affectionate  offer. 
By  the  27th  he  was  able  to  write  :  — 

"I  continue  to  grow  better.  ...  I  should  have 
been  out  to  ride  but  the  weather  has  been  impossible, 
wet  and  windy.  It  is  a  little  mortifying  when  one's 
interest  in  every  public  measure  is  so  much  height- 
ened by  having  thought  of  it  for  two  or  three 
months  to  be  excluded  from  Congress  just  at  the 
time  when  it  begins  to  act  effectually.  I  ought, 
however,  to  be  satisfied  to  have  escaped  with  so 
little  pain  [!],  and  to  have  the  hope  of  seeing  my 
family  so  much  sooner  than  I  could  have  hoped  two 
weeks  ago." 

March  5th,  1821. 

My  dear  Wife,  —  I  have  been  persuaded  by 
Mr.  Calhoun  to  stay  a  day  or  two  with  him  before 
I  leave  this,  and  I  was  the  more  ready  to  adopt  the 
plan  because  I  thought  that  a  change  of  residence 
might  be  a  preparation  for  traveling.  With  all 
the  kindness  of  the  family  here  I  find  it  so.  If  no 
accident  happens,  my  present  determination  is  to  go 
to  Norfolk  if  the  weather  be  good  on  Thursday, 
though  I  think  it  very  likely  that  I  shall  stay  there 
quietly  two  or  three  days  before  I  move  further. 


ILLNESS  215 

On  the  next  clay  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Cheves  in 
Philadelphia :  — 

"The  Missouri  bill  has  terminated  in  a  way 
which  I  think  will  leave  very  little  ill  will  in  the 
minds  of  the  members  of  any  section  in  our  coun- 
try." 

Missouri  had  been  admitted  a  week  before,  on 
condition  that  she  should  refuse  no  rights  to  "  cit- 
izens of  the  United  States  which  they  enjoyed 
elsewhere."  This  was  the  second  compromise  on 
the  admission  of  this  State,  and  the  vote  was  close, 
86  to  82. 

Mr.  Lowndes  it  is  said  felt  keenly  the  impossi- 
bility of  participating  in  these  final  scenes.  He 
had  naturally  hoped  to  have  had  the  leadership  at 
the  moment,  but  his  friend  Judge  Huger  told  the 
writer  that  when  he  (Judge  H.)  had  expressed  his 
regret,  Mr.  Lowndes  answered  cheerfully,  "  It  was 
probably  best  so.  Clay  had  more  influence  with 
the  Western  men  than  I,  and  could  persuade  them 
to  conciliatory  measures." 

The  summer  was  spent  at  home,  between  the 
Grove  and  Sullivan's  Island ;  his  health  slightly 
improved,  but  many  of  his  friends  saw  that  the  end 
was  near.  His  family,  apparently,  did  not.  The 
friend  often  quoted,  Judge  Huger,  who  lived  near 
General  Pinckney's  island  house,  said  that  he 
could  never  forget  that  last  summer,  when  he 
would  lie  still  upon  a  couch,  looking  almost  like  a 
dead  man,  but  with  bright  eyes  and  eager  talk. 
"  Upon  politics  ?  "  asked  the  listener.  "  He  never 
talked  politics,"  was  the  answer ;  "  he  talked  on 
questions  of  national  interest,  or  on  agriculture,  or 
books,  or  on  what  the  new  inventions  would  do  for 
the  country.  Always  on  great  subjects.  That  was 
the  character  of  his  mind.  And  the  weaker  his 
body  got,  the  brighter  was  his  intellect."     By  the 


216  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

autumn  he  thought  himself  well  enough  to  return 
to  Washington,  but  stayed  at  home  until  the  end 
of  December,  when  he  took  his  seat  and  spoke 
briefly  upon  Transactions  in  Florida  and  some 
other  subjects.  His  last  work  of  importance  was 
upon  the  11th  of  March,  1822,  when  he  presented 
a  report  for  the  "  Select  Committee  on  Weights 
and  Measures,"  proposing  ways  for  insuring  accu- 
racy and  uniformity.  The  report  shows  much  labor 
and  painstaking  inquiry  into  every  branch  of  the 
subject.  His  votes  are  recorded  until  near  the  end 
of  the  session,  but  he  never  spoke  again. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Mr.,  afterwards  Presi- 
dent, Buchanan  made  what  he  himself  considered 
to  be  the  best  speech  of  his  life.  It  was  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Bankrupt  Act  then  proposed  (March 
12,  1822). 

Mr.  Curtis,  in  his  Life  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  says  : 
"  The  reason  was  that  he  had  derived  much  assist- 
ance from  conversations  with  Mr.  Lowndes  upon 
the  subject.  That  great  and  good  statesman  was 
then  suffering  under  the  disease  which  proved  fatal 
to  him  soon  after.  He  attempted  to  make  a  speech 
against  the  bill,  but  was  compelled  to  desist  by 
physical  exhaustion  before  he  had  fairly  entered 
upon  his  subject." 

There  are  several  letters  at  this  time,  written 
(probably  because  unfit  for  other  work)  at  greater 
length  than  was  usual  with  him. 

The  first,  written  on  the  12th  of  February,  1822, 
says  :  "  I  have  been  making  inquiries  here  about  the 
expense  of  living  at  New  Port,  where  I  have  a 
great  disposition  to  spend  the  summer  if  you  do 
not  object  to  it.  ...  A  summer  there  would  prob- 
ably be  beneficial  to  the  health  of  both  of  us.  I 
am  not  sick,  but  I  do  not  feel  as  I  did  before  the 
rheumatism.     If   we   cannot   go   to   New  Port   I 


ILLNESS  217 

should  have  half  a  mind  to  hire  a  house  on  Sul- 
livan's Island.  ...  I  have  many  reasons  for  wish- 
ing to  spend  a  summer  at  the  North,  but  unluckily 
I  see  many  difficulties  in  the  execution  of  the  plan, 
—  let  me  know  your  thoughts. 

"  You  will  have  the  pleasure  next  winter  of  seeing 
a  painting  in  Charleston  by  Mr.  Morse,  of  the  rep- 
resentative chamber,  with  the  portraits  of  sixty  or 
seventy  members.  As  usual  I  refused  to  sit,  but 
he  took  my  face  from  the  gallery.  As  it  is  a  pro- 
file, and  I  never  saw  my  own,  I  cannot  judge  of 
the  likeness,  but  I  did  not  know  it  when  I  saw  it. 
They  say  that  it  is  a  caricature,  but  so  good  a  one 
that  it  is  impossible  to  mistake  it.  The  artist  is 
very  urgent  that  I  should  give  him  one  sitting 
that  he  may  endeavour  to  improve  it,  but  I  should 
then  lose  the  compliment  which  I  am  told  is  now 
paid  me  by  those  who  see  the  picture,  that  I  am 
not  quite  as  ugly  as  I  am  represented." 

This  picture  —  the  only  likeness  of  Mr.  Lowndes 
except  a  miniature  which  shows  him  as  a  lovely  boy 
of  six  years  old  —  now  hangs  in  the  Corcoran  gallery 
in  Washington,  D.  C,  and  it  must  be  confessed  that 
his  descendants  are  glad  to  know  that  it  was  a  car- 
icature. Nevertheless,  with  some  slight  reduction 
of  the  features,  the  likeness  to  his  daughter,  Mrs. 
Rutledge,  becomes  so  strong  that  it  is  greatly  to  be 
regretted  that  he  did  not  allow  the  proposed  altera- 
tions to  be  made.  Taken  from  a  point  much  above 
him,  the  eyes  are  entirely  lost,  and  the  whole  face 
is,  as  it  were,  seen  in  reverse. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  quote  here  the  description 
which  Mr.  Chase  takes  from  Mr.  Grayson's  Memoir 
of  Mr.  Lowndes's  personal  appearance.     He  says : 

"  The  personal  appearance  of  Mr.  Lowndes  was 
remarkable  ;  for  his  stature  exceeded  six  feet  six 
inches  in  height,  and  he  was  as  slender  as  he  was 


218  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

tall.  Though  loose  limbed  he  managed  his  length 
easily.  His  features  were  large,  while  the  face  was 
thin,  long,  and  pale.  [His  hair  was  black.]  He 
was  habitually  grave  and  thoughtful,  and  never  re- 
laxed into  idle  conversation  or  even  social  raillery, 
yet  —  comitate  condita  gravitce —  he  was  neither 
solemn  nor  severe,  and  his  smile  though  rare  was 
said  to  be  inexpressibly  engaging.  His  habitual 
seriousness  was  relieved  by  the  presence  of  his 
children,  and  he  was  always  cheerful  when  they 
were  with  him,  or  came  to  be  tossed  in  his  long 
arms.  .  .  .  His  manners  and  address  were  full  of 
dignity,  and  he  was  as  invariably  courteous  in  pri- 
vate life  as  he  was  in  his  public  career.  .  .  .  As 
he  was  considerate  and  attentive  to  others,  he  was 
modest  in  his  own  share  of  conversation,  and  while 
insensibly  guiding  it,  never  took  the  exclusive  con- 
trol which  would  so  often  have  been  willingly  ac- 
corded him.  Conversation  in  his  presence  never 
became  monologue." 

It  is  curious  that,  at  this  time  when  his  ill 
health  must  have  been  apparent  to  all,  the  Presi- 
dent should  have  offered,  and  Mrs.  Lowndes  have 
wished  him  to  accept,  the  mission  to  France ;  so  it 
was,  however,  and  he  alludes  to  it  in  the  next  let- 
ter, the  longest,  perhaps,  which  he  ever  wrote  :  — 

March  24,  1822. 
As  to  my  health,  you  may  assure  yourself  that  I 
do  not  intend  to  deceive  you.  I  have  been  the 
better  part  of  the  session  in  the  uncomfortable 
state  of  being  neither  well  nor  very  sick.  This 
you  must  understand  because  it  is  unfortunately 
very  much  your  own  case.  I  think  that  I  have 
generally  some  fever  and  am  hardly  ever  free  from 
cough.  .  .  .  My  great  ailment,  however,  is  weak- 
ness.   I  have  never  recovered  my  strength  since  the 


ILLNESS  219 

rheumatism  last  year.  I  am  sorry  that  you  do  not 
agree  with  me  as  to  the  French  Mission.  One  of  my 
reasons  for  being  unwilling  to  go  is  derived  from 
the  belief,  that  in  the  present  temper  of  the  French 
Government  it  is  not  likely  that  a  treaty  could  be 
formed.  A  stronger  reason  is  derived  from  my 
unwillingness  to  correspond  with  Mr.  Adams,  who 
is  so  imprudent  (or  rather  so  selfish,  for  to  avoid 
responsibility  himself  he  exposes  the  character  of 
his  correspondents,  and  the  interests  of  the  govern- 
ment to  risk)  that  I  should  either  suppress  in  my 
letters  to  him  what  I  ought  to  communicate,  or 
be  mortified  by  the  publication  of  confidential  com- 
munications. If  these  do  not  seem  to  you  to  be 
good  reasons,  I  must  add  that  in  my  actual  state  of 
health  I  do  not  like  to  undertake  a  public  duty 
which  will  keep  me  from  this  counti-y  two  or  three 
years,  and  which  will  not  always  allow  me  to  spend 
my  time  in  the  place  or  the  manner  which  may  be 
most  conducive  to  my  health.  As  to  the  effect  of 
a  visit  to  France  upon  our  children,  it  is  probably 
too  doubtful  to  influence  our  decision.  Becky's 
lessons  in  music  and  dancing  might  be  better,  but 
if  she  be  fond  of  these  arts  she  can  learn  them  well 
enough  for  America  in  America.  Two  years  at 
Westminster  would  probably  do  Pinckney  some 
good,  but  we  might  send  him  there  without  going 
ourselves.  It  would,  I  confess,  be  with  great  diffi- 
culty that  I  should  part  with  him,  for  I  have  asso- 
ciated him  and  his  studies  so  much  with  my  plans 
for  the  next  summer,  and  even  the  next  winter, 
that  I  should  feel  his  absence  very  keenly.  This, 
however,  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  question  of 
sending  him  away  ;  if  we  are  satisfied  that  it  is  for 
his  interest  he  must  go.  ...  I  proposed  to  you 
two  plans  for  next  summer,  to  take  a  house  at  Sul- 
livan's Island  or  at  New  Port.     You  write  nothing 


220  -WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

about  your  own  health,  but  I  think  New  Port 
would  be  better  for  you  than  the  Island,  and  I  have 
become,  since  those  plans  were  proposed,  so  much 
weaker  that  I  think  it  is  probably  necessary  to 
spend  my  summer  at  the  North.  .  .  .  None  of  your 
letters  or  of  Pinckney's  inform  me  how  he  stands 
in  his  class.  Becky,  who  writes  longer  letters,  and, 
as  girls  generally  do,  better  ones  than  Pinckney's, 
tells  me  satisfactorily  her  rank  in  her  several 
classes.  It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  write  about  it 
now,  for  I  hope  in  a  month  more  to  set  off  for 
Charleston.  .  .  .  You  would  hardly  expect  in  a  let- 
ter which  I  fear  shows  that  I  am  quite  as  much  out 
of  spirits  as  out  of  health,  that  I  should  give  you 
an  account  of  my  having  been  at  a  second  wedding. 
Governor  W.  was  the  enamoured  youth,  and  the 
lady  (whose  maiden  name  I  forget)  is  a  very  well 
looking  woman  of  thirty-one  years  old.  She  is 
spoken  of  as  amiable  and  sensible,  and  I  believe 
that  the  first  impression  when  the  wedding  party 
met  was  one  of  pity  and  melancholy  for  her  fate. 
But  we  bear  the  misfortunes  of  others,  they  say, 
with  great  philosophy,  and  this  melancholy  soon 
wore  off.  I  had  taken  off  my  mourning  for  the 
evening,  in  compliment  to  the  occasion,  and  you 
will  judge  of  my  surprise  at  finding  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  both  in  full  mourning,  and  this  surprise 
was  not  diminished  by  the  explanation  that  Gov- 
ernor "W.  wore  it  himself,  and  insisted  on  his  bride's 
wearing  it,  in  honour  of  the  angel  whom  he  had 
lost  a  month  or  two  before  (and  whom  his  bride 
had  never  known). 

"We  had  very  good  music,  and  the  bridegroom 
was  in  higher  spirits  than  I  have  ever  seen.  In 
walking  across  the  room  he  found  it  quite  impossi- 
ble to  prevent  himself  from  springing,  and  attempt- 
ing —  I  think  they  call  it  —  a  pigeon  wing.     This 


ILLNESS  221 

for  a  gouty  man  of  seventy  he  performed  very  well. 
The  girls  sang  songs  illustrative  of  the  motives 
which  may  make  a  woman  marry  an  old  man  ;  the 
shortness  of  the  imprisonment  and  the  delights  of 
widowhood  to  which  it  leads.  There  was  almost  too 
much  of  truth  and  nature  in  some  of  these  songs, 
and  I  was  so  much  amused  as  not  to  be  sorry  that 
I  had  gone  until  the  next  day  when  I  found  my 
cough  worse.  The  house,  however,  was  but  a  few 
doors  off  or  I  should  not  have  gone. 

That  Mrs.  Lowndes  should  have  wished  him 
to  accept  the  French  Mission  is  not  extraordinary. 
She  had  been  a  minister's  daughter,  and  would 
have  liked  to  be  a  minister's  wife.  Her  father  had 
been  a  Westminster  boy  (Grecian  of  his  year), 
she  would  have  wished  her  son  to  do  likewise  ;  she 
remembered  her  own  happy  school  days  in  France, 
and  would  have  willingly  had  her  daughter  enjoy 
the  same  advantages ;  but  most  of  all  she  thought 
—  and  never  ceased  to  think  —  that  going  abroad 
then  would  have  been  of  immense  service  to  her 
husband's  health,  as  it  had  been  two  years  before. 
She  yielded  with  great  reluctance,  not  dreaming 
how  soon,  and  how  sadly,  her  wish  was  to  be 
granted. 

The  long  letter  above  is  given  almost  entire,  to 
show  how  keen  an  interest  Mr.  Lowndes  still  felt 
in  life,  and  how  far  he  was  from  anticipating  his 
approaching  end.  In  regard  to  his  opinion  of  Mr. 
Adams,  it  must  be  remembered  that  .as  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations  his  relations 
with  the  Secretary  of  State  were  necessarily  inti- 
mate, and  his  knowledge  of  the  latter's  way  of  doing 
business  was  consequently  full. 

The  plan  of  going  to  Newport  was  a  favorite  one 
with  him.     He  refers  to  it  again  in  a  day  or  two. 


222  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

March  UOth,  1S22. 

This  Sunday  shines  no  Sabbath  day  for  me.  I 
do  not  mean  that  I  spend  it  in  visiting  or  reading 
or  any  intellectual  labor,  but  in  the  more  unpleasant 
duty  of  taking  physic.  Friday  last  I  began  with 
calomel,  etc.,  etc.  [a  frightful  list  of  dosings],  1 
don't  think  that  you  appear  to  look  forward  to  a 
Rhode  Island  summer  with  much  pleasure.  There 
are,  in  truth,  great  inconveniences  ;  the  getting 
there  and  still  more  the  getting  back.  Yet  if  our 
health  shall  be  permanently  promoted  perhaps  there 
is  no  convenience  more  important  to  consult.  I  am 
told  that  boarding  at  New  Port  is  from  $4  to  <$ 6 
each,  a  week.  More  probably  the  first  than  the 
last.  A  fine  climate,  a  fine  harbour  [Mr.  Lowndes 
had  always  been  fond  of  sailing],  and  the  facilities 
for  going  in  a  short  time  to  Boston  and  New  York. 

I  am  not  without  hopes  of  connecting  with  the 
care  of  my  health  (which  I  mean  to  make  a  princi- 
pal object  of  attention  during  summer)  the  prose- 
cution of  some  idle  inquiries  into  our  history  which 
I  have  long  wished  to  engage  in,  but  in  which  I 
have  made  miserably  little  progress.  Here  I  have 
the  advantage  of  you,  for  while  I  am  alive  I  shall 
always  have  some  little  scheme  engaging  enough  of 
my  attention  to  make  me  forget  pains  and  difficul- 
ties. I  do  not  mean,  however,  to  flatter  myself  by 
the  comparison.  You  bear  with  a  much  more  un- 
yielding patience  what  I  am  satisfied  with  eluding. 
I  am  a  little  tired  with  writing  this  short  letter  and 
fear  that  you  will  find  it  task  enough  to  read  it.  I 
am  uneasy  at  Becky's  prolonged  indisposition  and 
hope  that  Rhode  Island  may  do  her  some  service. 
I  really  reproach  myself  with  not  answering  her 
letters  when  she  writes  such  long  ones,  but  I  hope 
to  do  better  another  session.     Farewell. 


CHAPTER  X 

NOMINATION   FOR  PRESIDENT:    DEATH 

1822 

It  would  hardly  be  supposed  from  the  quiet  tone 
of  these  letters  that  the  highest  prize  in  the  country 
had  been  at  this  moment  set  before  Mr.  Lowndes's 
eyes  ;  yet  so  it  was,  for  on  December  18,  1821,  the 
legislature  of  his  native  State  had  nominated  him 
for  President  of  the  United  States.  The  preamble 
and  resolutions  read  curiously  now  :  — 

"  At  a  public  meeting  of  the  members  of  both 
branches  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  South 
Carolina,  held  on  the  evening  of  the  18th  of  De- 
cember, 1821,  at  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  Columbia,  Colonel  Samuel  Warren  of 
Pendleton  having  been  called  to  the  chair,  the  fol- 
lowing Preamble  and  Resolutions  were  adopted  :  — 

"  Whereas,  the  next  Presidential  Election,  how- 
ever distant,  is  becoming  an  object  of  interest 
throughout  the  United  States  ;  and  whereas  it  is  ap- 
prehended that  in  selecting  an  individual  worthy  of 
this  distinguished  honour,  serious  differences  may 
arise,  involving  sectional  divisions  of  alarming  mag- 
nitude, a  consequence,  the  bare  apprehension  of 
which  obviously  enforces  the  expediency  of  the  peo- 
ple of  this  Union  turning  their  eyes  upon  some  in- 
dividual who  shall  unite  the  confidence,  respect  and 
esteem  of  the  North  and  West,  the  East  and  the 
South;   who,  remote  from  any  connection  with  a 


224  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

cabinet  succession,  shall  be  brought  forth  truly, 
strongly,  and  indubitably  as  the  National  candi- 
date. 

"  Be  it  Resolved,  that  it  is  the  sense  of  this  meet- 
ing, under  the  existing  state  of  public  opinion  in 
reference  to  our  next  President,  that  no  individual 
in  the  Union  unites  more  entirely  the  qualifications 
for  this  Station,  with  the  prospect  of  success,  if  the 
Election  be  left  entirely  with  the  people,  than  our 
distinguished  fellow-citizen,  William  Lowndes," 
etc. 

These,  and  succeeding  resolutions  to  the  same 
effect,  were  forwarded  to  him  in  Washington,  with 
the  following  letter  from  the  gentleman  who  was  to 
be  his  successor  in  Congress,  and  a  popular  leader 
of  the  State's  Rights  party  of  South  Carolina  in 
the  troublous  times  that  were  to  come  in  1832, 
James  Hamilton,  Jr. :  — 

Charleston,  January  1st,  1822. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  If  we  could  as  easily  make  you 
our  next  President  as  we  passed  the  foregoing  re- 
solutions, I  do  not  know  that  the  State  of  South 
Carolina  could  possibly  make  the  Nation  a  more 
beneficial  New  Year's  present. 

Of  this  you  may  be  assured,  that  although  there 
was  a  serious  opposition  to  a  caucus  nomination, 
yet  as  far  as  you  were  personally  concerned  more 
than  three  fourths  of  the  State  are  decidedly  in 
your  favor,  in  preference  to  any  other  individual 
whatsoever. 

I  have  put  Mr.  Poinsett  [formerly  Minister  to 
Mexico,  then  M.  C.  from  South  Carolina]  in  pos- 
session of  the  facts  connected  with  the  whole  trans- 
action, to  whom  I  beg  to  refer  you.  All  we  have 
to  ask  of  you  is,  not  to  go  abroad,  and  not  to  con- 


NOMINATION   FOR   PRESIDENT  225 

cede   your   pretensions   to   any  individual   in  the 
Country.     I  remain, 

My  dear  sir, 
Yours  most  truly  and  respectfully, 
J.  Hamilton,  Jr. 
Hon.  Wm.  Lowndes. 

The  especial  meaning  of  this  letter,  and  particu- 
larly of  the  phrase,  "  do  not  concede  your  preten- 
sions to  any  individual  in  the  Country,"  was  that 
Mr.  Calhoun  had  been  nominated  for  the  presi- 
dency by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Were  the  two 
Carolinians  to  be  pitted  against  each  other  ?  and 
what  effect  would  such  rivalry  have  upon  their 
chances  and  upon  their  friendship?  Fate  stepped 
in  and  settled  the  first  question  ;  no  active  rivalry 
was  to  be  theirs.  And  for  the  second,  it  is  evident 
that  the  two  men  took  the  situation  in  the  high- 
hearted, honorable  fashion  that  might  have  been 
expected  of  them. 

Mr.  Lowndes  was  completely  surprised,  and  un- 
willing to  stand  in  opposition  to  his  friend.  He 
also  greatly  disliked  a  "  caucus  "  nomination,  and 
said  so  plainly.  He  was  assured  that  the  primary 
motion  had  been  confirmed  by  all  but  a  very  small 
minority  of  the  legislature,  but  it  was  still  dis- 
tasteful to  him.  The  only  letter  now  extant  from 
Mr.  Lowndes  on  this  subject  is  dated  December 
29th,  three  days  before  the  one  from  Mr.  Hamilton 
given  above.  They  must  have  crossed  on  the  road, 
and  it  is  evident  that  there  must  have  been  a  pre- 
vious, probably  informal,  letter  from  Major  Hamil- 
ton, since  Mr.  Lowndes  refers  to  "  your  letter  from 
Columbia."  That  not  being  now  within  reach,  the 
second  has  been  given  to  open  the  subject.  Mr. 
Lowndes  says  :  — 


22G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Washington,  December  29th,  1821. 

To  Major  Jas.  Hamilton. 

You  do  not  expect  a  formal  answer  to  your  letter 
which  you  did  me  the  favor  to  write  from  Colum- 
bia, but  a  frank  avowal  of  my  opinion  and  feelings. 
There  are  few  men  who  are  not  gratified  by  the 
public  approbation  of  their  conduct.  But  it  is, 
after  all,  the  favor  of  our  own  State  which  comes 
most  home  to  our  feelings.  I  am  as  grateful  as 
any  man  can  be  for  the  good  opinion  which  the 
members  of  the  Legislature  at  Columbia  have  ex- 
pressed of  me.  On  the  question  on  the  course  I 
mean  to  pursue,  I  do  not  see  that  I  can  deviate 
from  that  which  I  have  pursued  hitherto.  I  have 
taken  no  step,  and  never  shall,  to  draw  the  public 
eye  on  me,  as  a  competitor  for  the  high  office  of 
which  you  speak. 

I  have  no  reason  to  think  that  there  is  any 
wish  outside  of  our  own  State  to  raise  me  to  it, 
nor  did  I  know  until  yesterday,  when  I  received 
your  letter,  that  there  was  such  a  wish  in  the 
State  except  upon  the  part  of  two  or  three  personal 
friends. 

However  this  may  be,  the  Presidency  is  not  an 
office  to  be  either  solicited  or  declined.  I  have, 
however  (and  I  express  it  freely),  great  [apprehen- 
sion] as  to  the  effect  which  the  step  which  has 
been  taken  may  have  upon  the  reputation  of  the 
State. 

South  Carolina  has  no  trait  more  admirable  than 
her  disinterestedness.  She  has  always  treated  the 
men  whom  she  has  selected  for  public  office  with 
a  liberal  confidence,  but  she  has  never  overrated 
their  claims  to  the  honours  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment, nor  been  disposed  to  press  them  upon  a  re- 
luctant or  less  partial  community. 

I  should  feel  regret  more  painful  than   any  per- 


NOMINATION   FOR  PRESIDENT  227 

sonal  mortification  if  my  name  should  be  connected 
with  any  imputation  upon  the  State  to  which  I  be- 
long. 

My  opinion  on  what  is  past  it  would  perhaps 
be  improper  for  me  to  give,  but  let  me  state  one 
view  which  belongs  to  the  future. 

I  understand  from  Mr.  Calhoun  that  he  has 
already  written  to  several  friends  that  he  has  found 
himself  obliged  by  a  state  of  things  which  left  him 
no  alternative,  that  he  should  consent  to  be  held 
up  for  the  Presidency  (A,  note).  They  believe 
that  there  is  a  disposition  in  many  of  the  States 
to  support  him,  and  I  am  quite  sure  that  if  he  were 
supported  by  a  sufficient  influence  in  the  other 
States,  and  the  voice  of  South  Carolina  were  all 
that  was  wanting  to  give  him  the  Presidency,  it 
would  be  given  cheerfully  and  proudly. 

Yet  it  may  happen  that  the  nomination  which 
has  been  made  may  lead  to  the  impression  out  of 
Carolina  that  he  would  not  receive,  the  support  of 
his  own  State  under  such  circumstances.  For  the 
interest  of  the  Country  and  the  character  of  the 
State  let  me  hope  that  this  impression  may  not 
prevail,  or  that  means  may  be  found  to  remove  it. 

If  Mr.  Calhoun  should  have  sufficient  grounds 
to  calculate  upon  such  a  number  of  States  as  would 
make  a  majority  with  the  aid  of  South  Carolina,  I 
hope  and  believe  that  she  would  zealously  support 
him. 

I  should  have  delayed  writing  until  I  had  re- 
ceived the  fuller  account  of  the  transaction  at  Co- 
lumbia, which  you  promised  on  your  return  to 
Chai-leston  [probably  the  letter  already  given],  but 
I  wished  to  lose  no  time  in  making  the  suggestions 
which  I  have  just  taken  the  liberty  to  offer.  I  am 
not  surprised  at  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Calhoun's 
friends.     I  know  him  and  estimate  him  too  well  to 


228  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

be  mortified  by  any  preference  which  they  may  ex- 
press for  him. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  with  great  respect, 

Yours  sincerely, 
William  Lowndes. 

Note  A.  He  (Calhoun)  had  not  done  so  until  he  found  that  his 
name  was  being  improperly  associated  with  Mr.  Adams's.  This 
communication  he  had  made  to  me  with  his  characteristic  frank- 
ness some  days  before  I  received  your  letter,  and  I.  had  answered 
him  without  hesitation  that  equally  from  public  and  private  mo- 
tives I  should  greatly  prefer  his  election  to  that  of  any  of  his  com- 
petitors for  the  office.  The  friends  whom  he  has  consulted  think 
it  impossible  that  he  should  now  retract  what  he  has  done.  Imme- 
diately upon  receiving  your  letter  I  communicated  its  contents  to 
Calhoun.  Our  conversation  you  will  readily  suppose  to  have  been 
without  reserve.  He  has  seen  the  letter  which  I  now  write  you 
but  he  wishes  that  the  part  which  refers  to  him  should  not  be 
allowed  to  get  into  the  public  prints.  I  have  the  same  wish  as  to 
the  other  parts  of  the  letter,  and  1  think  that  your  judgment  and 
feelings  must  concur  with  mine.  I  must  rest,  however,  on  yours, 
not  on  mine. 

To  this,  and  probably  to  other  letters,  —  for  some 
of  the  expressions  quoted  do  not  appear  above,  — 
Major  Hamilton  answered  a  week  later. 

Charleston,  January  9th,  1822. 
We  regret  as  much  as  you  can  any  apparent 
conflict  between  your  interests  and  those  of  Mr. 
Calhoun,  but  we  are  not  prepared  to  say  or  think 
that  your  claims  ought  to  be  so  "  conclusively  post- 
poned "  to  favour  the  promotion  of  Mr.  Calhoun's 
as  at  once  to  "  give  them  the  go-by,"  and  in  effect 
to  say  that  we  have  committed  a  fatal  error  in 
holding  you  up,  and  that  we  do  accordingly  ask 
leave  to  amend  the  manifesto  by  substituting  the 
name  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  .  .  .  Now  I  believe  the 
fact  to  be  that  Carolina  will  be  more  than  satisfied, 
she  will  be  proud  and  delighted  should  either  you  or 
Mr.  Calhoun  be  ultimately  the  man.  Each  of  you 
separately  would  have  her  undivided  support ;  both 


NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT  229 

of  you  candidates,  she  must  be  divided.  We  trust 
this  consequence  may  be  averted.  .  .  .  We  agree 
with  you  most  fully  that  the  office  of  "  the  Presi- 
dency is  neither  to  be  solicited  nor  declined."  We 
know  that  you  have  not  solicited  it,  and  we  see  as 
yet  no  reason  why  your  friends  should  decline  it 
for  you. 

Major  Hamilton  goes  on  at  great  length  to 
point  out  to  Mr.  Lowndes  that  the  claims  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  had  been  warmly  advocated  in  the  meet- 
ing at  Columbia,  but  that  the  preference  of  the 
State  was  decidedly  for  him.  "  The  most  influen- 
tial members  from  the  interior  and  middle  country 
were  with  you.  .  .  .  The  middle  districts,  north- 
eastern, southern,  and  southeastern  parts  of  the 
State  were  unanimously  your  friends ;  the  country 
was  divided  between  Broad  River  and  Pendleton 
[the  district  which  Mr.  Calhoun  had  represented 
in  Congress  and  where  his  home,  Fort  Hill,  was 
situated].  ...  In  Charleston  it  is  not  necessary 
for  me  to  tell  you  how  strong  you  are,"  etc.  "  In 
the  existing  state  of  things,  I  do  not  know  that 
your  friends  here  can  practice  a  better  lesson  than 
to  be  patient  and  moderate,  when  we  see  you  your- 
self afford  us  so  good  an  example  in  these  particu- 
lars," etc. 

There  are  several  other  letters,  from  Major  Ham- 
ilton, Judge  Huger,  Colonel  William  Drayton,  etc., 
all  pointing  out  the  impropriety  of  South  Carolina 
withdrawing  or  changing  her  candidate  until  the 
will  of  the  Democratic  party  shall  have  made  itself 
clearly  understood,  when,  if  the  nominee  of  Penn- 
sylvania be  preferred,  she  will  "  cheerfully  and 
proudly  support  him." 

It  is  hard  now  to  believe  that  there  was  a  time 
when  South  Carolina  preferred  any  one  to  Calhoun. 


230  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

Ten  years  later  there  could  have  been  no  "  division  " 
when  he  was  concerned. 

Two  personal  anecdotes  are  remembered  by  the 
writer  on  the  subject,  —  the  one  told  by  her  father : 
that  returning  as  a  young  midshipman  from  a 
cruise,  and  asking  information  about  current  af- 
fairs, he  was  told  of  the  candidates,  "  that  Mr. 
Lowndes  had  most  of  the  State,  but  Mr.  Calhoun 
had  Pendleton  district  and  Mr.  William  Lowndes." 

The  other,  that  people  in  Washington  were 
amused  and  surprised  to  see  that  the  daily  walk 
which  the  two  nominees  had  long  been  accustomed 
to  take  together,  to  and  from  the  Capitol,  continued 
as  usual,  not  the  slightest  difference  having  been 
caused  by  the  new  state  of  affairs.  In  one  of  Mr. 
Hamilton's  later  letters  he  begs  Mr.  Lowndes  not 
to  show  his  letters  to  Mr.  Calhoun's  supporters. 

The  only  mention  of  the  affair  in  the  letters  to 
Mrs.  Lowndes  is  a  fragment  preserved  by  Mr. 
Chase  from  Mr.  Grayson. 

Washington,  January  6th,  1822. 
You  have  heard  of  the  caucus  nomination  in 
Columbia.  I  hope  you  have  not  set  your  mind  too 
strongly  on  being  President's  lady.  While  you 
wish  only  a  larger  fence  for  the  poultry  yard,  and 
a  pond  for  the  ducks  I  may  be  able  to  gratify  you, 
but  this  business  of  making  a  President,  either  of 
myself  or  another,  I  have  no  cunning  at.  We  live 
in  a  terrible  confusion.  I  thought  when  I  came 
here  the  question  was  a  fact  confined  to  two  per- 
sons, Mr.  Crawford  and  Mr.  Adams.  Now,  we 
have  all  the  Secretaries,  and  at  least  two  who  are 
not  to  be  named.  As  to  the  answer  which  I  have 
given  to  the  notification,  here  it  is :  "I  have  taken 
no  step,  and  never  shall,  to  draw  public  attention 
on  me  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.     It  is 


NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT  231 

not  in  my  opinion  an  office  to  be  either  solicited 
or  declined." 

The  allusion  to  "  all  the  Secretaries  "  bears  upon 
a  note  made  in  his  note-book  some  time  before, 
early  in  Mr.  Monroe's  administration. 

For  many  years  the  succession  to  the  Presidency 
had  passed  to  a  member  of  the  Cabinet ;  it  was 
almost  a  dynasty,  and  was  recognized  as  such.  Mr. 
Lowndes  writes  (apparently  in  1819  or  1820)  in  his 
note-book:  "I  remember  Forsyth's  telling  me, 
speaking  as  if  he  personally  knew  it,  that  Mr.  Mon- 
roe would  have  been  quite  willing  to  make  Craw- 
ford Secretary  of  State  if  Clay  had  been  willing. 
The  difficulty  was  to  give  no  decided  advantage  to 
either  Clay  or  Crawford  as  competitors  for  the 
Presidency.  The  expedient  employed  was  to  make 
Adams  Secretary  of  State,  because,  as  Mr.  Monroe 
said,  '  it  was  impossible  he  should  ever  be  Presi- 
dent.' I  confess  I  do  not  see  exactly  the  impossi- 
bility." 

Of  course  Adams  was  the  next  President. 
Would  the  result  have  been  different  had  Mr. 
Lowndes  lived  ?  It  is  impossible  to  say.  His 
course  on  the  Missouri  bill  and  on  the  tariff  had 
clearly  shown  the  absolute  justice  and  impartial- 
ity of  his  nature,  and  had  shown  also  that  he  la- 
bored for  that  ideal  republic  which  was  constantly 
in  his  thoughts.  By  the  commercial  classes  every- 
where, and  by  those  few  in  every  community  who 
took  thought,  as  he  did,  for  "  the  character  of  the 
country,"  he  was  most  highly  esteemed ;  neverthe- 
less the  spirit  of  section  had  already  arisen,  and 
that  demon  is  hard  to  lay.  Before  the  election 
came  he  was  sleeping  "  in  the  vast  ocean  deserts  of 
the  North."  After  his  death  his  success  was  spoken 
of   as  having  been   certain,  but  it  was   after  his 


232  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

death.  Carolina  was  not  to  be  gratified  by  the 
election  of  either  of  her  distinguished  sons,  and  the 
succession  went,  yet  once  more,  to  the  Cabinet. 

Mr.  Lowndes  returned  to  Carolina  at  the  end  of 
April,  but  it  is  uncertain  how  long  he  remained 
there.  He  seems  to  have  gone  with  his  wife  and 
two  younger  children  to  the  North  during  the  sum- 
mer. His  health  declined  steadily  and  he  resigned 
his  seat  in  Congress.  His  wife,  as  often  happens 
to  the  nearest,  did  not  at  all  realize  how  ill  he  was. 
He  had  so  often  recovered  from  illness  that  she  ex- 
pected recovery  again.  His  family  were  clearer 
sighted,  yet  neither  he  nor  they  were  without  hope. 
Before  leaving  home  he  commended  his  wife  and 
children  to  the  kindness  of  his  eldest  brother, 
Thomas,  and  told  him  that  he  would  do  everything 
possible  for  the  recovery  of  his  health,  and  be  sat- 
isfied with  whatever  the  Supreme  Wisdom  might 
ordain. 

The  affection  of  his  family  never  failed  him. 
There  is  a  letter  from  his  sister,  Mrs.  Simmons  (a 
childless  widow),  telling  him  that  she  fears  that  his 
plans  may  be  interfered  with  by  want  of  money, 
and  that  she  has  just  received  a  large  legacy  from 
her  eldest  sister,  Mrs.  Champneys,  which  she  en- 
treats him  to  accept  of,  hoping  "  you  won't  be  so 
unkind  as  to  refuse  to  take  it  for  the  recovery  of 
your  health  which  is  so  precious  to  me." 

The  resolution  to  undertake  the  European  voyage 
must  have  been  hastily  adopted.  The  only  letter  re- 
garding it  is  a  short  note  from  Philadelphia,  from 
Mrs.  Lowndes  to  her  father,  saying  that  "  the  doctor 
assures  me  that  my  husband's  lungs  are  perfectly 
sound,  and  the  whole  trouble  is  in  the  liver."  They 
were  to  sail  immediately  in  the  ship  Moss;  Mr. 
Cheves  had  made  all  the  pecuniary  arrangements, 
and  would  take  charge  of  Pinckney.     In  the  ship 


DEATH  233 

Moss  they  accordingly  set  sail  from  Philadelphia 
on  Monday,  the  21st  of  October,  1822.  They  had 
with  them  their  little  daughter,  twelve  years  old, 
and  their  faithful  servant  Amy.  Two  kind  friends, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Connell,  of  Philadelphia,  were  also 
on  board.  For  the  first  few  days  Mr.  Lowndes  ap- 
peared somewhat  improved,  but  the  weather  be- 
came stormy  and  he  was  exhausted.  On  Friday 
Mr.  Connell  thought  his  condition  alarming,  and 
on  Sunday  morning,  October  27th,  he  breathed  his 
last. 

Mr.  Connell,  writing  to  a  friend  in  Washington, 
says :  "  No  preparation  having  been  made  to  pre- 
serve his  body,  it  became  necessary  to  commit  it  to 
the  ocean.  We  preserved  it,  however,  until  Mon- 
day afternoon,  when  the  writer  hereof  assembled 
the  passengers  and  crew  and  read  over  his  remains 
the  funeral  service  of  the  Episcopal  church  before 
we  committed  his  body  to  the  deep.  Mrs.  Lowndes 
and  her  daughter  were  in  their  stateroom,  and  I  be- 
lieve they  were  not  aware  for  some  days  of  his  body 
having  been  buried  in  the  ocean,  as  we  thought  it 
too  trying  a  scene  for  her  to  witness." 

The  last  sentence  is  partly  incorrect.  Mrs. 
Lowndes,  through  (said  her  daughter)  a  mistaken 
kindness,  was  left  in  ignorance  of  the  precise  mo- 
ment of  the  burial ;  but  she  knew  that  it  must  be. 
Suddenly  they  heard  a  plunge,  the  dread  sullen 
sound  that  comes  when  the 

"  heavy  shotted  hammock  shroud 
Drops  in  its  vast  and  "wandering1  grave." 

To  her  dying  day  —  and  she  lived  to  be  eighty  — 
Mrs.  Kutledge  recalled  with  awe  that  solemn  sound, 
and  the  scream  of  her  mother  who  instantly  recog- 
nized its  import. 

So  ended,  at  the  age  of  forty,  all  that  was  mortal 


234  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

of  this  noble  statesman  and  pure  patriot.  His  life 
seems  inconclusive,  and  yet  the  broken  column  has 
beauty  of  its  own. 

On  reaching  England,  Mrs.  Lowndes,  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  original  plan,  crossed  immediately  to 
France,  where  were  friends  prepared  to  receive  her. 
Her  old  Washington  friends,  M.  and  Madame 
Hyde  de  Neuville,  insisted  on  her  sharing  their 
"  apartment "  until  she  could  make  her  own  ar- 
rangements. From  her  cousin,  Mr.  Pinckney 
Horry,  who  had  married  and  lived  in  France,  and 
from  his  wife  (Mademoiselle  de  la  Faye  de  la  Tour 
Maubourg)  she  received  the  greatest  kindness  and 
attention,  and  also  from  other  Americans  then  resi- 
dent in  Paris.  General  and  Madame  de  Lafayette, 
old  friends  of  her  father's,  were  especially  devoted 
to  her.  The  general  wrote  to  Colonel  F.  K.  Huger, 
his  friend  of  Olmutz  :  — 

Paris,  April  28th,  1823. 
My  dear  Friend,  —  This  letter  will  be  safely 
conveyed,  as  I  intrust  it  to  the  care  of  your  amiable 
and  most  unhappy  sister,  whose  inexpressible  grief 
may  be  somewhat  softened  by  friendly  sympathies, 
but  is  out  of  the  reach  of  argument,  since  the  loss  is 
both  immense  and  irreparable.  She  feels  in  a  man- 
ner alarming  for  her  health ;  it  is  become  imjiossible 
for  her  to  remain  longer  at  a  distance  from  her 
country  and  family.  I  am  much  comforted  to 
think  she  has  a  female  companion,  Mrs.  Connell, 
who  has  witnessed  the  cruel  scenes,  and  lived  with 
her  in  this  city.  Her  sensible  and  affectionate 
daughter  will  at  once  occupy  her  thoughts  and  af- 
ford a  consolation.  But  I  have  rarely  seen  misery 
and  sorrow  so  deep  and  so  well  justified.  .  .  .  God 
bless  you,  my  dear  Huger,  so  say  my  whole  family. 
Kemeinber  me    respectfully  and    affectionately  to 


DEATH  235 

Mrs.  Huger  and  family,  and  believe  me  forever 
your  most  tender  and  grateful  friend, 

Lafayette. 

To  America,  accordingly,  Mrs.  Lowndes  returned 
as  soon  as  it  suited  the  Connells  to  do  so ;  returned 
to  take  up  the  burden  of  a  saddened  and  anxious 
life,  of  the  guardianship  of  children,  and  of  the 
management  of  a  considerable  but  embarrassed  es- 
tate, —  all  of  which  burdens  she  bore,  and  duties 
she  performed,  with  courage  and  good  sense,  during 
thirty-five  years  of  widowhood,  dying  in  1857,  aged 
seventy-seven. 

Mr.  Lowndes  left  three  children.  Of  these  the 
eldest,  Rawlins,  always  an  invalid,  married  Miss 
Hornby,  and  died  early  without  issue.  The  second, 
Thomas  Pinckney,  married  Miss  Margaret  Wash- 
ington, granddaughter  of  Colonel  William  Wash- 
ington of  Revolutionary  fame,  and  died  early,  leaving 
three  children ;  of  whom  one  son,  Thomas  Pinckney, 
alone  survives.  He  married  Miss  Anne  Branford 
Frost,  daughter  of  the  Honorable  Edward  Frost, 
and  has  several  children.  The  eldest  son  bears 
his  grandfather's  name.  Mr.  Lowndes's  daughter, 
Rebecca  Motte,  married  Commander  Edward  Cotes- 
worth  Rutledge,  U.  S.  N.,  grandson  of  Governor 
John  Rutledge,  and  died  at  the  age  of  eighty-two, 
leaving  one  daughter  only. 

The  writer  is  so  painfully  conscious  of  the  inad- 
equacy of  the  picture  of  Mr.  Lowndes  which  she 
presents  that  she  is  glad  to  call  to  her  aid  those 
remarks  of  his  contemporaries  which  show  the  im- 
pression made  by  him  upon  the  minds  of  the  men 
who  knew  him  best.  When  the  news  of  his  death 
reached  Washington,  Congress  was  in  session. 
Major  Hamilton,  Mr.  Lowndes's  successor  in  the 
House,  rose  and  delivered  a  fervent  panegyric  upon 


23G  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

his  predecessor.  Major  Hamilton,  however,  spoke 
as  a  Carolinian  and  a  personal  friend  ;  therefore  one 
remark  alone  is  quoted  here:  "He  had  less  self- 
love  and  more  self-denial  than  any  man  I  ever 
knew."  But  Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  had  been 
Mr.  Lowndes's  chief  antagonist  in  the  first  debate 
on  Missouri,  and  his  competitor  for  the  speaker- 
ship, yet  he  spoke  with  generous  warmth :  .  .  . 
(This  is)  "  the  greatest  bereavement  in  the  loss  of 
a  citizen  which  has  befallen  the  Union  since  I  have 
held  a  seat  in  its  councils.  The  highest  and  best 
hopes  of  this  country  looked  to  William  Lowndes 
for  their  fulfillment.  The  most  honorable  office  in 
the  civilized  world  —  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  this 
free  people  —  would  have  been  illustrated  by  his 
virtues  and  talents.  During  nine  years'  service  in 
this  House  it  was  my  happiness  to  be  associated 
with  him  on  many  of  his  most  important  committees. 
He  never  failed  to  shed  new  light  on  all  subjects  to 
which  he  applied  his  vigorous  and  discriminating 
mind.  His  industry  in  discharging  the  arduous 
and  responsible  duties  constantly  assigned  him  was 
persevering  and  efficient.  To  manners  the  most 
unassuming,  to  patriotism  the  most  disinterested, 
to  morals  the  most  pure,  to  attainments  of  the  first 
rank  in  literature  and  science,  he  added  the  virtues 
of  decision  and  prudence  so  happily  combined,  so 
harmoniously  united,  that  we  know  not  which  most 
to  admire,  the  firmness  with  which  he  pursued  his 
purpose,  or  the  gentleness  with  which  he  disarmed 
opposition.  His  arguments  were  made,  not  for  vic- 
tory, but  to  convince  the  judgment  of  his  hearers." 
Mr.  Archer,  of  Virginia,  said  in  a  long  speech 
proposing  that  the  House  should  wear  mourning  for 
a  month,  an  unusual  proceeding  for  one  not  actually 
a  member,  "  Panegyric  on  this  occasion  was  rendered 
unnecessary  by  the  settled  feeling  and  opinion  of  this 


DEATH  237 

country  in  relation  to  Mr.  Lowndes.  .  .  .  He  was 
already  ranked  with  the  eminent  names  which  had 
passed  by  and  been  consecrated  to  national  respect. 
He  was  already  ranked  as  a  man  superior  in  worth 
as  he  was  in  mind,  —  as  one  of  the  purest  and 
ablest,  and  most  faithful  of  the  statesmen  who 
might  claim  from  our  country  the  meed  of  honor." 
Mr.  Clay  wrote  to  Mr.  Cheves  :  — 

Washington,  24th  January,  1823. 

.  .  .  Poor  Lowndes.  How  shall  I  speak  to  you 
of  a  friend  whom  we  both  so  highly  esteemed,  and 
whose  worth  we  knew  so  well.  Although  I  was 
prepared  by  the  knowledge  which  I  possessed  of 
the  declining  state  of  his  health  for  the  afflicting 
intelligence  which  we  have  just  received,  I  heard 
the  sad  event  with  as  much  painful  sensibility  as  if 
I  had  been  unapprised  of  his  previous  illness.  To 
have  died  at  the  moment  when  his  great  capacity 
for  public  usefulness  was  most  mature  and  in  full 
vigor ;  when  his  country  had  such  high  hopes  and 
expectations  of  him  ;  when,  if  he  had  not  been  ut- 
terly devoid  of  all  visions  of  ambition,  he  might  him- 
self have  cherished  the  loftiest  expectations ;  and 
when,  too,  he  was  far  removed  from  all  his  friends 
and  from  his  native  land,  was  a  rare  calamity,  which 
has  justly  excited  undissembled  and  universal  re- 
gret. 

You,  my  dear  sir,  who  had  the  happiness  to 
know  him  so  much  longer  than  I  did,  must  want, 
instead  of  being  capable  of  communicating,  conso- 
lation on  this  melancholy  occasion. 

With  great  regard, 

I  am  faithfully  yours, 

H.  Clay. 
Langdon  Cheves,  Esqr.,  Philadelphia. 


238  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

The  newspapers  from  every  part  of  the  country- 
were  filled  with  eulogies.  In  Charleston  a  public 
meeting  was  called  at  which  Mr.  Stephen  Elliott, 
the  author  of  "  Elliott's  Botany,"  and  a  graceful 
writer  and  speaker,  was  appointed  to  deliver  a  bio- 
graphical "  funeral  eulogium  to  be  pronounced  at  a 
public  meeting  of  the  citizens."  Mr.  Elliott  ac- 
cepted the  appointment,  but  unfortunately  post- 
poned the  preparation  of  the  discourse  until  himself 
overtaken  by  death.  Nor  was  this  a  transient  opin- 
ion excited  by  the  emotion  of  the  day.  Years  after- 
wards, Mr.  Wise,  of  Georgia,  Mr.  Benton,  of  Mis- 
souri, Mr.  (afterwards  President)  Van  Buren,  of 
New  York,  recorded  their  admiration,  Mr.  Benton 
declaring  him  to  be  the  "  brightest  of  the  galaxy  " 
which  Carolina  had  sent  to  the  Twelfth  Congress. 

Mr.  Todd,  of  Pennsylvania,  replying  to  Major 
Hamilton  on  a  bill  laying  duty  on  imports,  says  :  — 

"  On  the  memory  of  Mr.  Lowndes  I  could  go  in 
the  way  of  encomium  perhaps  farther  than  the  gen- 
tleman from  South  Carolina.  I  have  frequently 
heard  him  in  this  House  —  I  have  known  him  out  of 
it.  I  speak  not  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  any 
contrast,  but  give  my  opinion,  often  declared  in  the 
hearing  of  some  who  now  hear  me,  that  Mr. 
Lowndes  was  a  statesman  who  has  not  left  his  su- 
perior in  the  nation,  nor  scarcely  his  equal.  Every- 
one who  remembers  Mr.  Lowndes  remembers  that 
with  talents  almost  beyond  the  lot  of  mortality,  and 
seeing  nothing  about  him  but  respect  and  venera- 
tion, yet  a  man  more  unassuming  never  entered  this 
House.  There  was  nothing  pompous  in  him,  no 
blustering,  no  rant.  Of  one  thing  only  did  he  ap- 
pear ignorant  —  the  magnitude  of  his  own  powers." 

Towards  the  close  of  his  life  Mr.  Clay  told  Colo- 
nel John  Lee,  of  Maryland,  that  among  the  many 
men  he  had  known  he  found  it  difficult  to  decide 


DEATH  239 

who  was  the  greatest,  but  added,  "  I  think  the  wisest 
man  I  ever  knew  was  William  Lowndes  ;  "  and 
Mr.  Cheves,  in  a  conversation  with  the  Reverend 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  late  rector  of  Grace 
Church,  Charleston,  lately  published  in  "Lippin- 
cott's  Magazine,"  but  prepared  for  the  press  many 
years  since,  said,  "  Mr.  Calhoun  is  far  more  brilliant, 
and  his  mind  more  keen  and  rapid ;  he  is  a  man  of 
genius,  and  has  the  temptation  of  such  men  to  leap 
to  conclusions  boldly,  perhaps  too  hastily.  But  in 
the  power  of  looking  at  a  subject  calmly,  dispas- 
sionately, in  every  light,  Mr.  Lowndes  had  no  su- 
perior. I  should  have  preferred  his  judgment  to 
that  of  any  other  man,  and  such  I  think  was  the 
feeling  of  their  contemporaries.  I  will  illustrate 
my  view.  If  the  nation  were  in  great  peril,  and 
Mr.  Lowndes  recommended  one  policy  and  Mr. 
Calhoun  an  opposite  one,  I  think  that  a  majority 
of  the  American  people  would  have  said,  '  Intrust 
the  country  to  the  guidance  of  William  Lowndes, 
follow  his  counsel ; '  and  in  my  judgment  they  would 
have  done  wisely." 

The  venerable  Mr.  Alfred  Huger,  of  Charleston, 
a  man  of  great  talent,  but  who  never  entered  public 
life,  wrote  in  1859  :  "  I  have  read  with  great  atten- 
tion the  speech  of  Mr.  Lowndes  on  the  tariff  bill  of 
1820,  and  I  remember  very  well  the  impression 
made  upon  the  public  mind  when  it  was  delivered. 
It  was  the  habit  of  that  profound  thinker  to  ex- 
haust both  sides  of  the  subject  under  discussion  ; 
and  thus  when  he  presented  the  two  aspects  to  his 
audience  as  clear  as  light  could  make  them,  the 
House  generally  received  their  views  of  negative 
and  affirmative  from  the  same  source.  I  have 
known  him  pursue  this  course  in  conversation.  On 
one  occasion,  after  hearing  Mr.  Lowndes  state  the 
argument  of  his  adversary,  Mr.  Randolph  exclaimed, 


240  WILLIAM   LOWNDES 

'  lie  has  done  that  once  too  often ;  he  can  never 
answer  that.'  But  the  Virginian  was  mistaken ;  he 
did  answer  himself,  and  so  the  House  decided.  I  was 
permitted  to  hear  him  converse  with  Judge  Huger, 
and  to  this  day  that  unbroken  chain  of  irresistible 
logic  is  before  me.  He  dealt  less  in  abstractions 
than  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  was  more  concise  than  Mr. 
Cheves,  and  accordingly  he  was  more  easily  com- 
prehended by  men  of  ordinary  comprehension. 
Every  word  was  a  thought  and  every  thought  was 
material  for  an  essay.  Fifty  years  ago  I  heard  him 
use  expressions  that  are  now  fresh  in  my  memory. 
Judge  Huger  used  to  say, '  Lowndes's  wisdom  keeps 
his  genius  in  check.'  ...  I  sometimes,  now  that  I 
am  nearing  the  end  of  my  pilgrimage,  turn  to  the 
men  of  that  day  to  whom  it  was  at  times  my  good 
fortune  to  listen.  He  has  left  a  deeper  mark  upon 
me  than  the  others.  There  was  a  singleness  in  his 
character  and  a  chastity  in  his  intentions  which 
politicians  find  cumbersome  but  which  statesmen 
will  venerate  for  all  future  time,  and  like  a  great 
intellectual  conclusion  he  is  to  this  day  the  very 
highest  authority  with  virtuous  men." 

Enough,  perhaps  more  than  enough,  has  now  been 
said  and  the  writer  has  naught  to  add,  except  the 
hope  that  the  student  of  American  history,  the 
youth  preparing  to  take  his  part  in  the  government 
of  the  country,  may  pause  for  a  moment  to  consider 
the  influence  and  honor  that  came  to  this  man  who 
did  much  and  asked  nothing.  It  was  said  of  him 
that  he  had  "  no  vision  of  ambition."  None  for  him- 
self, in  truth,  but  all  men  knew  that  for  his  coun- 
try his  ambition  was  high  and  great  as  Washing- 
ton's had  been.  For  her  he  coveted  the  praise,  and 
name,  and  honor  which  meaner  men  seek  for  them- 
selves ;  and  so  men  gave  them  to  him  freely,  good 
measure  running  over. 


DEATH  241 

And  fate  was  kindest  to  him  of  all ;  for  when  he 
died  he  knew  that  by  the  war,  which  he  had  helped 
to  create,  the  Republic  was  strong  and  respected 
abroad  ;  and  he  thought,  moreover,  that  within  her 
borders  peace  and  harmony  had  come  to  her,  some- 
what by  his  labors.  And  so,  while  happy  in  this 
thought,  "  God's  finger  touched  him  —  and  he 
slept." 


APPENDIX  I 

Since  this  book  was  sent  to  press  it  has  been  sug- 
gested that  nothing  is  therein  said  of  the  English  ances- 
try of  Mr.  Lowndes. 

The  omission  was  intentional,  the  writer  conceiving 
that  the  subject  had  been  fully  treated  by  George  B. 
Chase,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  in  his  "  Lowndes  of  South  Caro- 
lina," already  mentioned. 

As,  however,  the  suggestion  has  been  made,  it  may  be 
as  well  to  quote  from  that  book,  so  far  as  to  say  that 
the  South  Carolina  family  is  descended  from  that  of 
"  Lowndes  of  Overton,"  established  in  the  county  of 
Chester  since  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  itself 
a  branch  of  "  the  ancient  family  of  Lowndes  of  Legh 
(or  Lea)  Hall,  which  received  a  grant  of  arms  in  1180." 

From  this  stem  of  Legh  Hall  have  sprung  many 
branches  in  different  parts  of  England,  members  of 
which  have  emigrated  to  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  South 
Carolina. 

Thomas  Lowndes  of  Overton  received  in  1725  and 
1726  from  the  lords  proprietors  of  South  Carolina  the 
grant  of  four  "  baronies  "  of  twelve  thousand  acres  each, 
and  the  office  of  provost  marshal,  which  last  he  held  by 
deputy,  as  he  never  came  to  this  country. 

The  arms  borne  by  Rawlins  Lowndes,  first  governor 
of  South  Carolina,  in  1778,  are  the  same  as  those  of  the 
families  of  Overton  and  Bostock  House,  Chester. 


APPENDIX  243 


APPENDIX  n 

By  the  kind  permission  of  Mr.  Chase  I  have  been 
enabled  to  use  his  account  of  Mr.  Thomas  Lowndes's 
congressional  career  as  follows :  "In  the  autumn  of 
1800,  a  few  months  after  his  father's  death,  having 
already  served  in  the  legislature  of  the  State,  he  (Mr. 
T.  Lowndes)  accepted  from  the  Federal  party  the  nomi- 
nation of  representative  from  the  Charleston  district  to 
the  Seventh  Congress.  He  took  his  seat  at  the  opening 
of  the  first  session,  on  the  7th  December,  1801.  On 
the  next  day  he  was  appointed  to  the  Committee  of 
Commerce  and  Manufactures,  and  was  prominent  from 
that  time  in  the  discussions  of  the  House.  As  early  as 
December  14th,  ahnost  in  the  first  week  of  business,  he 
spoke  upon  the  resolution  of  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Pickering  when  Secretary  of  State,  and  he  took 
part  in  an  '  animated  debate '  —  as  the  '  National  Intel- 
ligencer '  of  that  day,  more  mindful  for  the  dignity  of 
Congress  than  are  the  public  journals  of  our  own  times, 
described  in  language  somewhat  euphuistic  a  stormy 
scene,  so  often  repeated  afterwards  on  any  sectional 
issue  —  which  occurred  over  an  amendment  to  the  Ap- 
portionment Bill  providing  that  Maryland  should  be 
entitled  to  nine  rather  than  eight  representatives.  The 
'  Intelligencer '  tells  us  that  '  a  debate  of  utmost  dilato- 
riness  took  place,  much  personal  recrimination,  chiefly 
on  account  of  delay  on  the  one  side  and  precipitation  on 
the  other,  were  exchanged,  which  we  think  it  our  duty 
entirely  to  suppress.' 

"Mr.  Lowndes,  on  15th  March,  1802,  opened  the  de- 
bate on  the  French  Spoliation  Claims,  speaking  in  favor 
of  their  recognition,  and  urging  prompt  measures  for 
their  settlement.  Little  could  he,  or  any  statesman  of 
that  day,  foresee  the  uncertainty  of  the  legislation  which 
the  history  of  this  measure  was  in  itself  to  illustrate. 
Reported  formally  to  Congress  again  and  again  by  com- 
mittees, it  finally   passed  both  houses   only   to  become 


244  APPENDIX 

void  by  the  refusal  of  the  Executive's  approval.  Again 
revived  and  apparently  not  yet  despaired  of,  these 
claims,  now  as  old  as  the  century,  have  already  outlived 
three  generations  of  public  men.  At  the  end  of  the 
long  debate,  in  April,  1802,  in  the  act  providing  for  the 
redemption  of  the  entire  public  debt  of  the  United 
States,  Mr.  Lowndes  was  in  the  minority  of  nineteen 
members,  all  Federals,  who  voted  against  the  bill. 

"  Constant  in  attendance  upon  the  House,  he  was  ear- 
nest and  assiduous  in  committee,  and  though  mingling 
often  in  debate,  he  was  yet  able  to  contribute  to  the  dis- 
cussion something  of  value  in  fact  and  much  of  weight  in 
judgment,  enforced  as  his  sentiments  always  were  by  a 
natural  eloquence,  which  had  been  carefully  cultivated 
under  the  sound  opinion  then  entertained  by  all  educated 
men,  who  valued  the  study  of  oratory,  not  as  that  of  a 
graceful  accomplishment,  but  as  the  mastery  of  an  es- 
sential influence  and  tested  power  over  the  emotions  and 
conduct  of  men.  .  .  . 

"  He  resumed  his  seat  at  the  second  session  on  13th 
December,  1802.  On  22d  of  that  month  he  spoke  in 
the  discussion  on  the  circidation  of  gold  coin,  which, 
owing  to  the  erroneous  valuation  put  by  the  statute  upon 
the  eagles  and  half  eagles  previously  coined,  below  their 
metallic  worth,  had  led  to  their  being  everywhere 
hoarded.  In  the  long  debate  on  6th  January,  1803,  on 
the  cession  by  Spain  of  Louisiana  to  France,  he  was 
early  upon  the  floor,  urging  with  force  the  proposed  call 
upon  the  Executive  for  the  precise  facts  of  the  transac- 
tion which  had  been  withheld  from  Congress. 

"  Mr.  Lowndes  was  re-chosen  to  the  Eighth  Congress, 
and  took  his  seat  in  the  House  on  29th  October,  1803. 
He  spoke  on  6th  and  8th  of  the  following  December  on 
the  constitutional  amendment  relative  to  the  method  of 
election  of  president  and  vice-president  in  favor  of  post- 
ponement after  the  ensuing  election,  and  again  on  6th 
January,  1804,  in  opposition  to  the  proposed  impeach- 
ment of  Samuel  Chase,  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
who  was  tried  a  few  months  later  by  the  Senate  and 
acquitted. 


APPENDIX  245 

"  At  their  session  of  this  year  the  legislature  of  South 
Carolina  had  passed  an  act  repealing  all  restrictions 
upon  the  importation  of  slaves.  The  subject  early- 
attracted  the  attention  of  Congress,  and  on  Tuesday, 
14th  of  February,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following 
extract  from  the  debates,  the  following  motion  by  Mr. 
Bard,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  taken  into  consideration  in 
committee  of  the  whole. 

"  '  Resolved,  that  a  tax  of  ten  dollars  be  imposed  upon 
every  slave  imported  into  any  part  of  the  United 
States.'  " 

"  On  motion  of  Mr.  Jackson,  it  was  agreed  to  add 
after  the  words  United  States,  '  or  their  territories.' 

"  Mr.  Lowndes :  '  I  will  trespass  a  very  short  time 
upon  the  attention  of  the  House  at  this  stage  of  the  busi- 
ness, but  as  I  have  objections  to  the  resolution,  it  may 
be  proper  that  I  should  state  them  now.  I  will  do  so 
briefly,  reserving  to  myself  the  privilege  of  giving  my 
opinion  more  at  length  when  the  bill  is  before  the  House, 
should  the  resolution  be  adopted  and  a  bill  brought  in. 
I  am  sorry,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  find  that  the  conduct  of  the 
legislature  of  South  Carolina,  in  repealing  its  law  pro- 
hibitory of  the  importation  of  negroes,  has  excited  so 
much  dissatisfaction  and  resentment  as  I  find  it  has 
done  with  the  greater  part  of  this  House.  If  gentlemen 
will  take  a  dispassionate  review  of  the  circumstances 
under  which  the  repeal  was  made,  I  think  this  dissatis- 
faction and  resentment  will  be  removed,  and  I  should 
indulge  the  hope  that  this  contemplated  tax  will  not 
be  imposed.  Antecedent  to  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution under  which  we  now  act,  the  legislature  of  South 
Carolina  passed  an  act  prohibiting  the  importation  of 
negroes  from  Africa,  and  sanctioned  it  by  severe  penal- 
ties,—  I  speak  from  recollection,  but  I  believe  not  less 
than  the  forfeiture  of  the  negro  and  a  fine  of  one  hun- 
dred pounds  sterling  for  each  brought  into  the  State. 
This  act  has  been  in  force  until  it  was  repealed  by  the 
legislature  at  their  last  session.  .  .  . 

"  '  The  law  was  completely  evaded,  for  in  the  last 
year  or  two  Africans  were  introduced  into  the  country 


24G  APPENDIX 

in  numbers  little  short,  I  believe,  of  what  they  would 
have  been  had  the  trade  been  a  legal  one.  Under  the 
circumstances,  sir,  it  appears  to  me  to  have  been  the 
duty  of  the  legislature  to  repeal  the  law,  and  remove 
from  the  eyes  of  the  people  the  spectacle  of  its  authority 
daily  violated. 

" '  I  beg,  sir,  that  from  what  I  have  said  it  may  not 
be  inferred  that  I  am  friendly  to  a  continuation  of  the 
slave  trade.  I  wish  the  time  had  arrived  when  Con- 
gress could  legislate  conclusively  upon  the  subject.  I 
should  then  have  the  satisfaction  of  uniting  with  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania  who  moved  the  resolution. 
Whenever  it  does  arrive,  should  I  then  have  a  seat  in 
this  House,  I  assure  him  I  will  cordially  support  him 
in  obtaining  his  object.  But,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  cannot 
vote  for  this  resolution,  because  I  am  sure  it  is  not  cal- 
culated to  promote  the  object  which  it  has  in  view.  I 
am  convinced  that  the  tax  of  ten  dollars  will  not  prevent 
the  introduction  into  the  country  of  a  single  slave.  .  .  . 
The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  and  those  who 
think  with  him,  ought,  above  all  others,  to  deprecate 
the  passing  of  this  resolution.  It  appears  to  me  to  be 
directly  calculated  to  defeat  their  own  object,  —  to  give 
to  what  they  wish  to  discountenance  a  legislative  sanc- 
tion, and  further,  an  interest  to  the  government  to  per- 
mit this  trade  after  it  might  constitutionally  terminate 
it.  When  I  say  that  I  am  myself  unfriendly  to  it,  I 
do  not  wish,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  be  misunderstood ;  I  do 
not  mean  to  convey  the  idea  that  the  people  of  the 
Southern  States  are  universally  opposed  to  it  —  I  know 
the  fact  to  be  otherwise.  Many  of  the  people  in  the 
Southern  States  feel  an  interest  in  it,  and  will  yield  it 
with  reluctance.  Their  interest  will  be  strengthened 
by  the  immense  accession  of  territory  to  the  United 
States  by  the  cession  of  Louisiana.  .  .  .  My  greatest 
objection  to  this  tax,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  that  it  will  fall  ex- 
clusively upon  the  agriculture  of  the  State  of  which  I  am 
one  of  the  representatives.  However  odious  it  may  be 
to  some  gentlemen,  and  however  desirous  they  may  be 
of  discountenancing  it,  I  think  it  must  be  evident  that 


APPENDIX  247 

this  tax  will  not  effect  their  object ;  that  it  will  not  be 
a  discouragement  to  the  trade,  nor  will  the  introduction 
of  a  single  African  to  the  country  be  prevented.  The 
only  result  will  be  that  it  will  produce  a  revenue  to  the 
government.  I  trust  that  no  gentleman  is  desirous  of 
establishing  this  tax  with  a  view  to  revenue.  The  State 
of  South  Carolina  contributes  as  largely  to  the  revenue 
of  the  United  States,  for  its  population  and  wealth,  as 
any  State  in  the  Union.  To  impose  a  tax  falling  exclu- 
sively on  her  agriculture  would  be  the  height  of  injus- 
tice, and  I  hope  that  the  representatives  of  the  landed 
interest  of  the  nation  will  resist  every  measure,  however 
general  in  its  appearance,  a  tendency  of  which  is  to  lay 
a  partial  and  unequal  tax  upon  agriculture.' 

"  Mr.  Bedinger :  '  The  gentleman  from  South  Caro- 
lina has  so  fully  expressed  the  opinions  I  entertain,  I 
shall  say  but  little.  Every  one  who  knows  my  opinions 
on  slavery  may  think  it  strange  that  I  shall  give  my 
vote  against  the  resolution.  There  is  no  member  on 
this  floor  more  inimical  to  slavery  than  I  am,  yet  I  am 
of  opinion  that  the  effect  of  the  present  resolution,  if 
adopted,  will  be  injurious.  I  shall  therefore  vote  against 
it.' 

"  When  on  Friday,  February  17th,  the  third  day  of  the 
debate,  the  House  resumed  the  discussion  of  the  bill,  Mr. 
Lowndes  rose,  and  after  a  rapid  review  of  the  subject, 
moved  that  its  further  consideration  be  postponed  till 
the  following  December.  By  an  amendment,  the  bill 
was  set  down  for  the  second  Monday  in  March,  and 
thus  the  same  end  was  accomplished,  as  the  House  did 
not  sit  on  that  day. 

"  Upon  the  issue  of  this  debate,  Mr.  Benton  remarks 
(Abridgment  of  Debates,  iii.  p.  142)  :  '  To  prevent  an 
erroneous  impression  being  made  upon  the  public  by 
the  above  proceedings,  it  is  proper  to  remark  that, 
during  the  whole  discussion,  not  a  single  voice  was  raised 
in  defense  of  the  act  of  the  legislature  of  South  Caro- 
lina, allowing  the  importation  of  slaves,  but  that,  on  the 
contrary,  while  by  some  of  the  speakers  its  immorality 
and  impolicy  were   severely  censured,  by  all  its  exist- 


248  APPENDIX 

ence  was  deprecated.  A  large  number  of  those  who 
voted  for  the  postponement  advocated  it  on  the  express 
and  sole  ground  that  it  would  give  the  legislature  of 
South  Carolina  an  opportunity,  which  they  believed 
would  be  embraced,  to  repeal  the  act.' 

"  Just  three  years  later  the  question  was  definitely 
settled  by  Congress.  On  the  13th  of  February,  1807, 
the  House  passed  the  Senate  Bill,  prohibiting  the  im- 
portation of  slaves  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  thir- 
teen members  in  favor  over  five  in  opposition,  —  and 
this  slender,  indeed  nominal,  minority  were  members 
from  both  free  and  slave  States,  who  dissented  only  upon 
matters  of  detail,  so  that,  as  Mr.  Benton  observes 
(Abridgment  of  Debates,  iii.  p.  519),  '  the  prohibition 
of  the  trade  may  be  deemed  unanimous.' 

"  Mr.  Lowndes  passed  the  summer  at  the  North 
and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia.  He  did  not 
reach  Washington  till  the  6th  of  November  following, 
after  the  second  session  of  Congress  had  commenced, 
and  had  thus  not  been  in  his  place  when  the  committees 
of  the  House  were  appointed  ;  but  a  fortnight  later,  on 
the  announcement  of  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Samuel  L. 
Mitchell,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  who 
had  been  appointed  by  the  legislature  of  New  York  a 
senator  of  the  United  States,  it  was  Ordered,  '  That 
Mr.  Lowndes  be  appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  Commerce  and  Manufactures,'  etc.  He  thus  returned 
to  his  old  place  on  the  committee  to  which  he  had 
been  first  appointed  on  his  entry  to  the  House. 

"  He  spoke  for  the  last  time  in  Congress  on  the  13th  of 
December  against  a  bill  to  regulate  and  permit  the 
clearance  of  private  armed  vessels.  His  speech,  though 
brief,  was  marked  by  the  same  quick,  ready,  and  logical 
reasoning  which  had  always  characterized  his  appear- 
ance in  debate.  He  left  Washington  on  the  6th  of 
March,  1805,  and  failing  to  obtain  his  reelection  to 
Congress  on  the  general  overthrow  of  the  Federal  party 
in  the  South,  retired  to  private  life.  He  continued, 
however,  a  steadfast  adherent  to  the  principles  of  his 
party,  and  earnestly  supported  John  Quincy  Adams  when 


APPENDIX  249 

nominated  for  the  presidency  against  Andrew  Jackson. 
He  often  remarked,  in  allusion  to  the  brilliant  polit- 
ical career  of  his  brother,  William  Lowndes,  that  com- 
ing as  a  Republican  later  into  public  life  than  himself, 
his  brother  differed  from  him  in  no  essential  principle  of 
his  political  faith."  See  "  Lowndes  of  South  Caro- 
lina," pages  18-22. 


INDEX 


"  Abridged  Congressional  Debates," 
Benton's.  Case  of  merchants'  bonds, 
122;  supplemental  speech,  203,  204; 
Lowndes's  >  report  on  Constitution 
of  Missouri,  20'.),  210 ;  prohibition  of 
slave  trade,  1807,  248. 

Achan,  wedge  of,  79. 

Acre,  siege  of,  195. 

Adams,  Henry,  Mass.,  author,  vii,  54, 
122. 

Adams,  John,  frigate. 

Adams,  John,  Mass.,  mention,  24  ;  can- 
didate for  presidency,  50  ;  mention, 
80., 

Adams,  JohnQuincy,  Mass.,  Secretary 
of  State,  report  on  affairs  of  South 
America,  105 ;  extract  from  diary, 
208;  imprudence,  219;  mention,  232; 
election  for  President,  248. 

Algerine  pirates,  149. 

Alick,  colored  overseer,  63,  140,  141. 

Alston,  Joseph,  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  59. 

Amarinthia,  see  Elliott,  G,  51. 

Ambrister,  English  agent,  174,  179. 

American  non-importation  acts,  121. 

American  Revolution,  2,  22,  45,  Gl,  G8, 
72. 

Ames,  Fisher,  Mass.,  79. 

Anderson,  R.  C,  Representative  from 
Kentucky,  177. 

Arbuthnot,  English  agent,  174,  179. 

Archer,  W.  S.,  Representative  from 
Virginia,  212,  230. 

Armstrong,  Gen.,  Secretary  of  War,  74, 
134. 

Articles  of  Confederation,  25. 

"  Aurora,"  newspaper,  100. 

Bainbridge,  Commodore,  U.  S.  N.,  149. 
Bancroft,  George,  Mass.,  historian,  11, 

32. 
Bank  of  England,  185,  198. 
Bank  of  United  States,  134,  143,   172, 

173,   198,  199. 
Bankrupt  Act,  21G. 
Barbary  pirates,  94. 
Bard,   David,     Representative    from 

Pennsylvania,  245. 


Baring  and  Reed,  English  merchants, 

173. 
"Bath  Archives,"  by  Lady  Jackson, 

92. 
Bedinger,  George  M.,  Representative 

from  Kentucky,  247. 
Benton,    Thos.     H.,     Representative 

from     Missouri,     quotation     from 

"  Thirty  Years  in  Congress,"  9G  ;  Mr. 

Lowndes  on  party  machinery,  112; 

account     of    lost    speech     of    Mr. 

Lowndes,  211 ;  admiration  for,  238. 
Berlin  decrees,  73. 

Bibb,  George  M.,  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, 100. 
Bird,  Savage  and,  English  merchants, 

37. 
Blanco,  Gen.,  Spanish,  127. 
Bland,  ,   Commissioner  to  South 

America,  1G4. 
Blanding,  Col.,  member  of  Legislature, 

S.  C,  70. 
Boineau,  overseer,  85. 
Bonaparte,    Napoleon,    Emperor,   64, 

195. 
Brill,  Mr.,  English  engineer,  185. 
Britannic  Majesty's  Commissioners  at 

Ghent,  13G,  145. 
British  minister,  135,  136. 
Britisli  sympathizers,  11. 
Broke,  Capt,  English  Navy,  125. 
Brown,  Mrs.,  sister  of   W.   Lowndes, 

S.  C,  56. 
Brown,     Lowndes,     nephew     of     W. 

Lowndes,  5G,  101,  12G,  182. 

Brown, ,  Tory,  S.  C,  10. 

Brown,  Gen.,  U.  S.  A.,  136. 
Bucjianan,  James,  Representative  from 

Pennsylvania     and     President      of 

United  States,  216. 
Buist,  Rev.  Dr.,  S.  C,  38. 
Bullman,  Rev.  Mr.,  S.  C,  13. 
Burke,  Edmund,  M.  P.,  54. 
Burr,  Aaron,  Vice-President  of  United 

States,  59. 
Butler,  Major  Pierce,  S.  C,  28. 

Cabot,  George,  Mass.,  vii,  79,  80. 
Calhoun,  John  C,  S.  C  mention,  C7; 


252 


INDEX 


opinion  of  Representative  of  South 
Carolina,  71 ;  elected  Representative 
from  South  Carolina,  77;  first  meets 
Mr.  Lowndes,  87;  appointed  to  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Affairs,  89;  votes 
with  Federals,  'J9  ;  mention,  107; 
chairman  of  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  109  ;  report  which  induces 
declaration  of  war,  11?  ;  opposes 
seizure  of  merchants'  bonds,  122, 
123 ;  bill  to  repeal  embargo,  127  ; 
plans  with  Lowndes  roads  and  ca- 
nals, 131  ;  debates  on  Bank  of 
United  States,  143,  144;  debates  on 
tariff,  151-100;  Secretary  of  War, 
187  ;  illness,  198 ;  nomination  for 
presidency  by  Pennsylvania,  225- 
238;  opinion  of  Mr.  Cheves,239,  240. 

Camden,  Lord,  187. 

Campan,  Madame,  CO. 

Canning,  Hon.  George,  M.  P.,  71,  188. 

Carlyle,  Thos.,  English  author,  125. 

Cartwright,  Miss  Mary,  second  wife  of 
Rawlins  Lowndes,  6. 

Catholic  Emancipation,  183. 

Caucus,  100,111. 

Cervera, ,  Spanish  Admiral,  127. 

Champneys,  Mrs.,  sister  of  William 
Lowndes,  232. 

Charles  II.,  King  of  England,  14. 

Charleston  Battery,  50. 

"Charleston  Courier,"  40,  GO,  95,  9G, 
IOC,  107,  111,  128. 

"  Charleston  Gazette,"  40. 

Charleston  Harbor,  5. 

Charleston  Library,  45. 

Charleston  races,  41,  42. 

Charleston  theatre,  43. 

Chase,  George,  Esq.,  Mass.,  author,  vi, 
vii,  70,  130,  132,  217,  230,  242. 

Chase,  Samuel  L.,  Mass.,  244. 

Chatham,  Lord,  statue  of,  3. 

Chesapeake,  frigate,  72,  124, 125, 129. 

Cheves,  Hon.  Langdon,  S.  C.,  elected 
to  Congress,  77;  meets  Mr.  Lowndes, 
83-87  ;  chairman  of  Naval  Commit- 
tee, 89 ;  report  on  increase  of  navy 
and  debates,  94-99 ;  mention,  107, 
111  ;  chairman  of  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means,  121 ;  case  of  mer- 
chaiits'  bonds,  122,  123  ;  home  life, 
141  ;  Speaker  of  House,  144  ;  presi- 
dent of  Bank  of  United  States,  172  ; 
letter  from  Mr.  Lowndes,  180;  bank- 
ing, 198;  letter  from  Mr.  Lowndes, 
215;  arranges  for  Mr.  Lowndes's  last 
voyage,  233 ;  letter  from  Mr.  Clay, 
237  ;  conversation  with  Rev.  Mr. 
Pinckney,  239. 

Cheves,  Langdon,  Esq.,  S.  C,  199. 

Cheves,  Mrs.,  83,  100,  131,  130,  141. 

Church,  Established,  13. 

Cincinnati,  Society  of  the.  105. 

Clarke,  Rev.  Mr.,  S.  C,  13. 


Clay,  Hon.  Henry,  Kentucky,  Repre- 
sentative, 84  ;  Speaker  of  House,  80; 
called  "Western  Star,"  88;  inter- 
view with  President  Madison,  111  ; 
censured  by  Randolph,  152;  debates 
on  South  America,  101-171  ;  on 
Seminole  War,  175,  170 ;  resigns 
speakership,  208 ;  Missouri  Com- 
promise, 212,  213  ;  mention,  231  ; 
letter  to  Mr.  Cheves,  237  ;  opinion 
of  Mr.  Lowndes,  238,  239. 

Cogdell, ,  city  attorney,  Charles- 
ton, 02. 

Committee  of  South  Carolina,  4. 

Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  120, 
150,  105,  170. 

Committee  on  Coinage,  137. 

Committee  on  Commerce  and  Manu- 
factures, 89,  243,  248. 

Committee  on  Conference  on  Missouri, 
207. 

Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  89, 
109,  112,  161,  103,  201,  204,  213,  221. 

Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  95, 118, 
121,  174. 

Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  89,  129, 
155. 

Committee  on  Weights  and  Measures, 
210. 

Commons'  House  of  South  Carolina,  2. 

Confederation  (of  States),  27,  29,  31, 
32,  33. 

Congress,  Continental,  1,  4,  5,  10,  31. 

Congress,  Provincial,  4. 

Connell,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  Penn.,  233, 234, 
235. 

Constitutional  Convention,  27,  28. 

Constitution,  Federal,  26. 

Constitution  men,  29. 

Conyers,  Capt.,  S.  C,  10. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Robt.,  S.  C,  13,  14,  35. 

Copenhagen,  attack  on,  195. 

Coram,  Thos.,  merchant,  S.  C,  45. 

Corcoran  Gallery,  Washington,  D.  C, 
217. 

Cornwallis.  Lord,  9. 

Corsican,  Napoleon,  04. 

Council,  Governor's,  Provinces.  C.,2. 

Councils  of  Safety,  S.  C,  4,  5. 

Courtenay,  Hon.  Wm.  A.,  S.  C,  vii, 
viii. 

Crawford,  W.  H.,  Senator  from  Geor- 
gia, 88,  200,  230,  232. 

Crimean  War,  205. 

Cunningham,  William,  Tory,  S.  C,  10. 

Curtis,  George  Ticknor,  Mass.,  author, 
21C. 

Dalcho,  Rev.  Mr.,  S.  C,  author,  13. 

Dallas, ,  Penn.,  Commissioner  to 

Ghent,  137,  143. 
Danae,  picture  of,  108,  110. 
Dancing  Assembly,  Charleston,  42. 
Danton,  French  Republican,  59. 


INDEX 


253 


Deas,  James,  Esq.,  Ala.,  38. 

Decatur,  Commodore,  U.  S.  N.,  94, 
127,  149. 

De'oazes,  French  Prime  Minister,  191. 

Declaration  of  Independence^,  5,  G,  30. 

Democratic  caucus,  111. 

Democrats,  political  party,  111. 

De  Saussure  &  Ford,  attorneys  at  law, 
S.  C,  50. 

Dey  of  Algiers,  149. 

Dissenters'  Bill,  1S3. 

Divan  of  Constantinople,  4. 

Don  Onis,  Spanish  Governor  of 
Florida,  116,  117. 

Douglas,  Capt.,  English  Navy,  74. 

Drayton,  William  Henry,  Member  of 
Council  of  Safety,  S.  C,  vi,  3,  4. 

Duane  William,  Penn.,  editor  "Au- 
rora," 100. 

Dumb  Tory,  political  party,  S.  C,  11. 

Dupont,  Gideon,  S.  C,  22. 

Durant,  Mr.,  England,  186,  187. 

D wight,  Dr.,  president  of  Yale  Col- 
lege, Conn.,  125. 

East  Indian  trade,  208. 

Elliot's  "  Debates,"  vii. 

Elliott,  Amarinthia,  first  wife  of  Raw- 
lins Lowndes,  S.  C.,  6. 

"  Elliott's  Botany,"  26. 

Elliott,  Col.  William,  S.  C,  154. 

Elliott,  Hon.  Stephen,  S.  C.,238. 

Embargo,  74,  77,  135. 

Emmott,  James,  Representative  from 
New  York,  84. 

Emperor  Napoleon,  64. 

English  Ministry,  60. 

"  Esprit  des  Lois"  Montesquieu,  54. 

European  powers,  205. 

European  voyage,  232. 

Eutaw,  S.  C,  battle  of,  72. 

Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  Mass.,  20. 
Federalists,  political  party,  34,  59,  60, 

72,  77,  79,  84,  88,  96,  104,  106,  123, 

143,  151,  157,  243,  244. 
Fiske,  John,  Mass.,  historian,  32. 
Floyd,  John,  Representative  from  Vir- 
ginia, 170. 
Forsyth,   John,  Representative   from 

Georgia,  88,  161,  164,  169,  170,  200, 

232. 
Fort  Barrancas,  Fla.,  seizure  of,  174. 
Fort  George,  battle  of,  124. 
Fort  Jackson,  treaty  of,  175,  176,  177. 
Fort  Mechanic,   Charleston,   building 

of,  5(1. 
Fort  Moultrie,  battle  of,  113. 
Foster,  Mr.,  British  Minister  to  U.  S., 

100,  101. 
Fox,  Charles  James,  M.  P.,  1S8. 
Franklin,  Dr.  Benjamin,  204. 
Fraser,  Charles,  S.  C,  artist,  39,  40, 

42,  03,  154. 


Fraser's  "  Reminiscences,"  40,  154. 
French  Government,  219. 
French  Minister,  91,  100,  131. 
French  Revolution,  49,  64. 
French  spoliation  claims,  243. 
Frost,  Anne  Branford,  S.  C,  235. 
Frost,  Hon.  Edward,  S.  C,  235. 

Gaillard,  John,  Senator   from   South 

Carolina,  113,  136. 
Gales,     editor       "  National     Intelli- 
gencer," 172,  203. 
Gallagher,  Rev.  Dr.,  S.  C,  38,  50,  87. 
Gallatin,    Albert,    Secretary    of     the 

Treasury,  120-125,  189. 
Gambier,  Lord,  194,  195. 
Garden,  Alexander,  M.  D.,  S.  C,  15, 

18,  35,  86. 
Garden,     Rev.     A.,    commissary    for 

Bishop  of  London,  S.  C,  13. 
General  Assembly  of  South  Carolina, 

7,  66,  67. 
Genet,  Citizen,  Envoy  of  French  Re- 
public, 49. 
Ghent,  Treaty  of,  145,  175,  176,  195. 
Gibbes,  Esq.,  S.  C,  61. 
Gibbon,  Lieut.,  U.  S.  N.,  93. 
Giles,  W.  B.,  Senator  from  Virginia, 

136. 
Govan,   A.   R.,   Representative    from 

South  Carolina,  157. 
Government,  United  States,  205. 
Graham,  I.,  Ky.,  164. 
Grayson,  Hon.  William,  S.  C,  70. 
Grayson's      "  Memoirs     of     William 

Lowndes,"  v,  217,  230. 
Greene,  Gen.  Nathanael,  R.  I.,  1,  2,  8. 
Gregg's  "  History  of  the  OldCheraws," 

vii. 
Griswold,  Roger,  Conn.,  79. 
Grosvenor,  T.  P.,  Representative  from 

New  York,  88,  122. 
Grundy,     Felix,     Representative     of 

Tennessee,  88,  123. 

Hamilton,  Major  James,  S.  C,  223- 
230,  235,  236. 

Hamilton,  Paul,  S.  C,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  94. 

Hammond,  Col.,  Va.,  104. 

Hampton,  Col.  Wade,  S.  C,  42. 

Hanging  Rock,  S.  C,  battle  of,  68. 

Hanson,  A.  C,  Representative  from 
Maryland,  143. 

Harrison,  W.  H.,  General  and  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  115,  129. 

Hartford  Convention,  147. 

Haskell,  Miss  L.  Cheves.  S.  C,  199. 

Hazard,  Nathaniel,  Representative 
from  Rhode  Island,  202. 

Heaton,  Mr.,  Conn.,  110. 

Henry,  Patrick,  Va.,  32,  .33,  200. 

Hilishago,  Indian  chief,  134. 

Hill's  Plantation,  S.  C,  9, 


254 


INDEX 


Hill.  Lord,  English  General,  138. 

'•  History  of  the  Turf  in  South  Caro- 
lina, "Dr.  Irving'u,  40,  92. 

Holland,  Lord,  188. 

Horace,  Latin  poet,  38,  39,  105. 

Hornby,  Miss  Emma,  235. 

Hornet,  sloop-of-war,  125,  130, 

Horry,  Mrs.  Daniel,  S.  C,  7,  8,  154. 

Horry,  Pinckney,  S.  C,  234. 

House  of  Commons,  English,  185,  180, 
189. 

House  of  Congress,  Washington,  92. 

House  of  Deputies,  French,  189,  190. 

House  of  Lords,  English,  2,  18G. 

Huger,  Hon.  Alfred,  S.  C,  239. 

Huger,  Benjamin,  Representative  from 
South  Carolina,  151. 

Huger,  Hon.  Daniel  Elliott,  S.  C,  59, 
70,  72,  215,  229,  240. 

Huger,  Col.  Francis  Kinloch,  S.  C, 
234. 

Huger.  Mrs.  F.  K.,  S.  C,  103,  140. 

Humboldt,  Baron  Von,  189. 

Hyde  de  Neufville,  Madame,  wife  of 
French  Minister,  131,  234. 

Ingham,  S.  D.,   Representative  from 

Pennsylvania,  154. 
Iredell,  Judge,  N.  C,  Supreme  Court, 

U.  S.,  33. 
Irving,  Dr.  John,  S.  C,  40. 
Izard,    Ralph,    Senator    from    South 

Carolina,  28. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  General  and  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  134,  174, 
180,  248. 

Jackson,  Sir  George,  74. 

Jackson,  Sir  James,  English  Minister 
to  Washington,  92. 

Jacobin  clubs,  49. 

Jay,  John,  N.  Y.,  25,  34,  80. 

Jay  treaty,  33,  74. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  mention,  24  ;  can- 
didate for  presidency,  59  ;  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  policy, 
C3-G5;  "peace  policy,"  74;  proba- 
ble division  of  country,  79:  neglect 
of  navy,  94;  mention,  112  ;  regretted 
by  John  Randolph,  152;  conversa- 
tion at  Monticello,  200. 

Johnson,  Richard  Mentor,  Represent- 
ative from  Kentucky,  88,  95,  17G. 

Jones,  Col.  Charles,  Ga.,  2. 

Jones,  Miss  Sarah,  third  wife  of  Raw- 
lins Lowndes,  2,  G. 

Jones,  president  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  172. 

Judiciary  of  the  United  States,  210, 
212. 


Kennedy, ,  S.  C,  83. 

Key,    Barton,     Representative 
Maryland,  88. 


from 


King,  Rufus,  N.  T.,  20G. 

King's  Mountain,  battle  of,  S.  C,  68. 

Ladies  Superintending  Female  Eco- 
nomy of  Orphan  House,  45,  4fi. 

Lafayette,  Gen.,  192,  234,  235,  230. 

Lafayette,  Madame  de.  234. 

Lake  Erie,  battle  of,  129. 

La  Place,  French  mathematician,  58. 

Laurence,  Cnpt.,  U.  S.  N.,  125,  129. 

Laurens,  Hon.  Henry,  S.  C.,  15. 

Laurens,  Col.  John,  S.  C,  15,  1G. 

Law,  Lyman,  Representative  from 
Connecticut,  143. 

Lee,  Gen.  Harry,  Va.,  104. 

Lee,  Col.  John,  Md.,  238. 

Leigh,  Sir  P^gerton,  2. 

Leopard,  British  man-of-war,  72. 

Lincoln, ,  member  of  Legislature, 

S.  C.,31. 

Locke,  John,  English  author,  54. 

Louis  XVIII.  of  France,  192. 

Louisiana  ceded  by  Spain  to  France, 
244. 

Louisiana  purchase,  78,  205,  20G. 

Lowndes,  Charles,  brother  of  Rawlins, 
11. 

Lowndes,  James,  second  son  of  Raw- 
lins, 40,  102. 

Lowndes,  James, Esq. .Washington,  vii. 

Lowndes  of  Legh  Hall,  family  of,  242. 

Lowndes  of  Overton,  family  of,  242. 

"  Lowndes  of  South  Carolina," 
Chase's,  vii. 

Lowndes,  Rawlins,  father  of  William 
Lowndes,  Justice  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  and  General  Sessions,  Speaker 
of  Commons'  House,  Province  of 
South  Carolina,  2  ;  gives  judgment 
against  Stamp  Act,  3  ;  member  of 
Councils  of  Safety,  4;  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  rejects  British  Ulti- 
matum, 0  ;  marriage,  7  ;  letters  from, 
17;  rice  planting,  21;  opposes  Fed- 
eral Constitution,  20-34;  gift  to  Or- 
phan House,  48;  ill  health,  49; 
death,  50. 

Lowndes,  Mrs.  Rawlins,  35,  30,  55. 

Lowndes.  Rawlins,  elder  son  of  Wil- 
liam, G4,  85,  80,  140,  235. 

Lowndes,  Major  Rawlins,  N.  Y.,  v,  vi. 

Lowndes.  Rebecca  Motte,  daughter  of 
William,  04,  219,  235. 

Lowndes,  Thomas,  eldest  son  of  Raw- 
lins, 40,  00,  73.  232. 

Lowndes,  Thomas,  of  Overton,  Eng., 
242. 

Lowndes,  Thomas  Pinckney,  second 
son  of  William,  04,  91,  100,  140.  182, 
219,  220,232,  235. 

Lowndes.  Thomas  Pinckney,  grandson 
of  William,  235. 

Lowndes,  T.   Pinckney,  Esq.,   S.   C, 


INDEX 


255 


Lowndes,  William,  youngest  son  of 
Rawlins,  birth,  2  ;  mention,  7,  8 ; 
visit  to  England,  35,  30;  illness,  37; 
return  to  Carolina,  38  ;  schools,  39  ; 
home  influences,  40 ;  society  in 
Carolina,  42;  study  of  law  and  death 
of  father,  50;  early  manhood,  53; 
death  of  mother,  55 ;  private  study, 
proposal  of  marriage,  58;  political 
opinions  and  opposition,  59 ;  mar- 
riage, 60;  called  to  bar,  62;  be- 
comes a  planter,  63  ;  article  signed 
"  Planter,"  66  ;  elected  to  General 
Assembly  of  S.  C,  66  ;  legislative 
career,  67-70 ;  captain  of  Washing- 
ton Light  Infantry  of  Charleston, 
72;  elected  to  Congress,  73;  journey 
to  Washington,  89  ;  letters  to  wife, 
83-92;  anxiety  about  navy,  94-96; 
first  speech,  97,  98;  votes  with  Fed- 
eralists, 99;  letters  to  wife,  100-110; 
objects  to  caucus,  111 ;  war  de- 
clared, 112  ;  letter  to  wife,  113 ;  let- 
ters to  Gen.  Pinckney,  116-120 ;  case 
of  merchants'  bonds,  121,  122;  let- 
ters to  wife,  124-126  ;  embargo,  128; 
chairman  of  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  and  speech,  129,  130  ;  op- 
poses privateering,  132,  133 ;  letters 
to  Gen.  Pinckney,  134;  letters  to 
wife,  136-142 ;  letter  to  Gen.  Pinck- 
ney, 143;  debate  on  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  143,  144;  treaty  of 
peace,  145;  letters,  145 ;  chairman  of 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  re- 
port advising  tariff,  150;  debate  on 
tariff,  150-155;  declines  portfolio  of 
war,  156;  letter  from  Mr.  Govan,  157; 
story  of  critic,  158 ;  declines  missions 
to  France,  Constantinople,  and  St. 
Petersburg,  159;  Sinking  Fund,  156- 
160;  speeches  on  South  America, 
161-167;  speech  on  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  172;  chairman  of 
Committee  on  Coinage,  and  report, 
173 ;  speeches  on  Seminole  War,  176- 
180;  letter  to  Mr.  Cheves,  181;  voy- 
age to  and  arrival  in  England,  183  ; 
meets  Mr.  Roscoe,  184;  reminis- 
cences of  Mr.  Thomas,  184;  visits 
House  of  Commons,  186,  187;  letter 
to  wife,  188;  House  of  Deputies, 
France,  189;  anecdotes  of  Louis 
XVIII.,  191;  travels  in  South 
France,  193;  returns  to  England, 
194;  returns  to  America,  19C;  letters 
to  Gen.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Cheves, 
198,  199;  collects  historical  anec- 
dotes, 200;  chairman  of  Committee 
on  Foreign  Affairs,  201 ;  moves  for 
pension  to  family  of  Commodore 
Perry,  supported  by  John  Randolph, 
202;  speech  of  Mr.  Lowndes  and 
letter  to  his   wife,   203;  report    on 


privateering,  204;  Missouri  question, 
205-211;  speech  on  Missouri  ques- 
tion, 212;  beginning  of  illness,  213; 
visit  to  Mr.  Calhoun,  214;  enforced 
absence  from  last  debates  on  Mis- 
souri, 215;  summer  on  Sullivan's 
Island,  215;  last  work,  report  for 
Committee  on  Weights  and  Mea- 
sures, 216;  Mr.  Buchanan,  216;  por- 
trait by  Morse,  217;  declines  mission 
to  France,  218;  letter  to  wife,  219, 
220;  nomination  for  President,  223; 
letters  to  and  from  Major  James 
Hamilton  of  S.  C,  294-299;  letter  to 
wife,  230;  increase  of  illness,  resig- 
nation from  House,  and  voyage  to 
Europe,  232;  death  at  sea,  233;  kind- 
ness of  friends  to  Mrs.  Lowndes  and 
letter  of  Gen.  Lafayette,  234;  widow 
and  children  of  Mr.  Lowndes,  235; 
speeches  on  Mr.  Lowndes  of  Major 
Hamilton,  S.  C,  Mr.  Taylor,  N.  Y., 
Mr.  Archer,  Va.,  236, 237;  mourning 
worn  by  House,  although  not  a  mem- 
ber, 237;  letter  from  Mr.  Clay,  237; 
appreciations  of  Mr.  Lowndes,  238; 
opinions  of  Mr.  Cheves  and  Mr. 
Huger,  239,  240. 

Lowndes,  Mrs.  William,  v,  93,  105, 
110,  116,  124,  130-140,  150,  181,  214, 
218,  221-235. 

Lucas,  Jonathan,  S.  C,  58. 

Lundy's  Lane,  battle  of,  135. 

Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  M.  P.,  187. 

Macon,  Nathaniel,  Representative 
from  North  Carolina,  88,  111,  206. 

Madison,  James,  President  of  the 
United  States,  newspaper  abuse  of, 
107;  interview  with  Mr.  Clay,  111; 
policy  of,  128;  illness,  136;  an- 
nounces peace,  145;  relief  from  dif- 
ficulty, 147;  last  annual  message, 
155;  offers  portfolio  of  war  to  Mr. 
Lowndes,  156;  mention,  200. 

Madison,  Mrs.,  89, 183. 

Marcy,  W.  L.,  N.  Y.,  Secretary  of 
State,  205. 

Marion,  Gen.  Francis,  S.  C,  1,  10,  11. 

Mason,  Col.,  member  of  Legislature, 
S.  C,  82. 

Mathews,  Governor  of  S.  C,  16. 

McCrady,  Edward,  Esq.,  vii. 

McKee,  Samuel,  Representative  from 
Kentucky,  95. 

"  Memorials  of  citizens  of  Ohio,"  204. 

Merchants'  bonds  question,  120,  124. 

Messias,  Major,  S.  C,  120. 

Micliaux,  French  botanist,  20. 

Middleton,  Hon.  Arthur,  S.  C,  4. 

Milan  decrees,  73. 

Mission  to  France,  218-221. 

Missouri  Compromise,  207,  215. 

Missouri  Question,  198,  201,  208. 


256 


INDEX 


Mitchell,    Samuel  L.,    Senator  from 

New  York,  248. 
Monroe,  James,    Secretary   of    State, 

mention,   74;  opinion  on  war,    00; 

mention,   101,  116,  120;  opinion  on 

possible  Presidents,  '231. 
Monroe,  Mrs.,  101,  131. 
Morse,  S.  F.  B.,  Mass.,  artist,  217. 
Motte,  Mrs.  Rebecca,  S.  C,  90. 
Moultrie,   Gen.,   Governor    of    South 

Carolina,  49. 

Napoleon,  Emperor,  73,  148. 

National  Bank,  144. 

National  debt,  156. 

"  National  Intelligencer,"  243.  ' 

Newmarket  course,  S.  C,  40. 

Newmarket  races.  Eng.,  189. 

New  Orleans,  battle  of,  134,  135. 

Ney,  Madame,  194. 

Niles's  "  Register,"  204. 

North,  Lord,  British  Prime  Minister, 

80. 
Northern  Federalists,  78. 

Oakley,    Representative    from    Con- 
necticut, 125. 
"Old  Hickory,"  174. 
Orders  in  Council,  90,  120,  121. 
Orphan  House,  Charleston,  45,  47. 
Osborne,  schoolmaster,  S.  C,  38. 

Pacific  fleet,  71. 

Palmerston,  Lord,  187. 

Parsons,  James,  S.  C,  10. 

Peacock,  British  sloop-of-war,  125, 129, 
130. 

Pensacola,  Fla.,  seizure  of,  177,  178. 

Perry,  Commodore  U.  S.  N.,  129,  201, 
202,  203. 

Pettigrew,  Gen.  Johnson,  N.  C,  C.  S. 
A. 

Physick,  Dr.,  Penn.,  84,  85. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  Mass.,  vii,  79,88, 
243. 

Pinckney,  Col.  Charles  Cotesworth, 
mention,  10;  debates  on  Federal 
Constitution,  27,  28,  29 ;  Major- 
General,  defeated  for  presidency, 
59,  GO. 

Pinckney,  Major  Thomas,  mention,  42; 
Mr.  Lowndes's  addresses  to  daugh- 
ter, 58  ;  reasons  for  refusal,  58-G1  ; 
appointed  Major-General,  104,  105; 
letters  on  defense  of  Southern  Coast, 
115-120  ;  on  Indian  War,  133,  134  ; 
letters  to  and  from,  142,  198. 

Pinckney.  Rev.  Charles  Cotesworth, 
S.  C,  239. 

Pinckney,  Mrs.  Eliza,  10,  01. 

Pinckney,  Miss  Elizabeth,  wife  of 
William  Lowndes,  58,  01. 

Pinckney  treaty,  80. 

Pinckney,  William,  Md.,  74. 


Pine,  English  artist,  110. 

"  Planter  "  essay,  00. 

Pleasants,  James,  Representative  from 

Virginia,  155. 
Poinsett,  Joel  R.,  Representative  from 

South  Carolina,  224. 
Powell,  a  printer,  S.  C,  2. 
Preble,  Commodore  U.  S.  N.,  94. 
Presidency,  220,  230. 
Presidential  election,  223. 
Prince  Regent  of  England,  194. 
Pringle,  Hon.  John  Julius,  S.  C,  28, 

112. 
Protestant  Episcopal  Society,  45. 
Provincial  oaths,  4. 
Purcell,  Rev.  Mr.,  S.  C,  38. 
Purdy,  Col.,  134. 

Queen  Elizabeth,  242. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  Representative  from 
Massachusetts,  speech  on  New  Eng- 
land, 75  ;  mention,  79  ;  threatens 
disunion,  81  ;  Mr.  Lowndes's  impres- 
sion of,  84  ;  leader  of  Federals,  88  ; 
speech  on  naval  battle,  130  ;  mention, 
200. 

Ramsay,  Dr.  Nathaniel,  historian  S.  C, 
vi,  15,  28,  41,  77. 

Randall's  "Life  of  Jefferson,"  vii. 

Randolph,  John,  of  Roanoke,  Rep- 
resentative from  Virginia,  mention, 
80  ;  influence  on  House,  88  ;  opposes 
tariff,  152-154  ;"  Spanish  matter," 
104;  speech  on  pension  for  family 
of  Commodore  Perry,  202,  203  ;  re- 
mark on  Mr.  Lowndes's  mauner  of 
speaking,  239. 

Ravenel,  Daniel,  S.  C,  41,  42. 

Redstick  Indians,  175. 

Reid,  R.  R.,  Representative  from 
Georgia,  213. 

Reign  of  Terror  in  France,  49. 

"  Reminiscences,"  E.  S.  Thomas,  184. 

Republican-Democrats,  50, 59,  77,  105, 
123,  151. 

Revolution,  American,  2,  51,  54,  Gl, 
120. 

Rhea,  John,  Representative  from  Ten- 
nessee, 175. 

Richardson,  Gen.,  S.  C,  9. 

Richelieu,  Due  de,  191. 

Richmond  Theatre,  Va.  93. 

Robertson,  T.  B.,  Representative  from 
Louisiana,  101,  102,  1G9. 

Robespierre,  French  Republican,  59. 

Robinson, ,  M.  P.,  185. 

Rodgers,  Commodore  U.  S.  N.,  94. 

Rodney,  C.  G.,  Del.,  164. 

Roscoe,  William,  English  historian, 
184. 

Ruskin,  John,  English  author. 

Rutledge,  Edward  Cotesworth,  Com- 
mander U.  S.  N.,  235. 


INDEX 


257 


Rutledge,    Mrs.,     daughter    William 

Lowndes,  v,  233,  235. 
Rutledge,  Frederick,  Esq.,  S.  C,  60. 
Rutledge,  John,  Governor  of    South 

Carolina,  1,  G-9,  27-38,  51. 
Rutledge,  John,  Jr.,  S.  C,  158. 

Sacheverell,  Rev.  Henry,  14. 
St.  Cecilia  concerts,  Charleston,  42. 
St.  Domingo,  refugees  from,  43,  44. 
St.  Mark's,  Fla.,  seizure  of,  177,  178. 
St.  Michael's  Church,  Charleston,  13, 

14,  112. 
St.  Michael's  Church,  Cornhill,  Eng., 

14. 
St.  Philip's  Church,  Charleston,  13, 14. 
Sancroft,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 

Eng.,  14. 
Salley,  Hon.  George,  S.  C,  156. 
Salley,  A.  S.,  Jr.,  S.  C,  156. 
Scott,  Major-Gen.  Winfield,  115. 
Seminole  Indians,  174. 
Seminole  War,  174. 
Sergeant,  John,  Representative  from 

Pennsylvania,  195,  202. 
Seybert,    Dr.   Adam,    Representative 

from  Pennsylvania,  89,  95,  99,  136. 
Shannon,  English  man-of-war,  125. 
Shaw,  Mr.,  Eng.,  195. 
Shays's  Rebellion,  Mass.,  24. 
Ship  Moss,  232,  233. 
Silsbee,     Nathaniel,     Senator     from 

Massachusetts,  203. 
Simmons,  Mrs.   Ruth,  sister  William 

Lowndes,  232. 
Sinking  Fund,  156,  159,  160. 
Smith,  Rev.  William,  first  Bishop  of  S. 

C,  45. 
Smyth,     Alexander,     Representative 

from  Virginia,  171. 
South  American  Provinces,  Question 

of,  218. 
Southern  Confederacy,  32. 
Southey,  Robert,  English  poet,  64. 
Spanish  Mission,  60. 
Spanish  South  Americans,  164. 
Spanish  treaty,  205. 
Stamp  Act,  3. 
Stars  and  Stripes,  71. 
Star  Spangled  Banner,  148. 
State's  Rights,  210. 
Stephen,  James,  English  author,  65, 

66. 
Story,  Life  of,  vii. 
Sumter,  Gen.  Thomas,  S.  C,  1,  10. 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 

33,34. 

Tallmadge,     James,     Representative 

from  New  York,  176. 
Tariff,  151,  152,  154,  207. 
Tarleton,  Col.,  9,  10. 
Tate,   Judge,   Senator  from  Georgia, 

136. 


Taylor,  John  W. ,  Representative  from 

New  York,  208,  236. 

Temple, ,  Col.,  192. 

"  Thirty  Years  in  Congress, "Benton's, 

96. 
Thomas,  E.   S.,   Mass.,   author,    184, 

211. 
Tiernay,  M.  P.,  Eng.,  187. 
Todd,     John,     Representative     from 

Pennsylvania,  238. 
Tories,  American,  8,  10. 
Torre,  Prof.  Thomas  della,  S.  C,  viii. 
Trafalgar,  battle  of,  71. 
"  Transactions  in  Florida,"  216. 
Trescot,  William  Henry,  S.  C,  author, 

66. 
Tucker,  Representative  from  Virginia, 

170. 
Tunno,  Adam,  S.  C,  51. 

"Union  Jack,"  71. 

United  StatesCommissioners  to  Ghent, 
136. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  President  of  the 

United  States,  238. 
Venus  de'  Medici,  110. 
Virgil's  Eclogues,  195. 
Virginia  Convention,  32. 
"Virginia  Patriot,"  107. 

"War  in  Disguise,  or  Fraud  of  Neu- 
tral Flags,"  by  James  Stephen, 
65. 

Warren.  Col.  Samuel,  S.  C,  228. 

Warwick  Castle,  Eng.,  194. 

Washington,  George,  General  and 
President,  23,  33,  85,  112,  240. 

Washington  Light  Infantry  Corps, 
Charleston,  vi,  72. 

Washington,  Miss  Margaret,  235. 

Washington,  Col.  William,  S.  C,  72. 

Washington,  Mrs.,  widow  of  Col.  Wil- 
liam, S.  C,  72. 

Washington  race-course,  Charleston, 
41. 

"Wealth  of  Nations,"  Adam  Smith's 
53. 

Wellesley,  Marquess  of,  71. 

Wemys,  Major,  10. 

Westminster  School,  Eng.,  219,  221. 

Westmuller, ,  artist,  110. 

Wharton,  Miss,  author,  110. 

White  House,  Washington,  63,  65. 

Wilberforce,  William,  M.  P.,  Eng., 
187. 

Williams,  David  R.  Representative 
from  South  Carolina,  78,  95,  111. 

Williams,  Robert,  Tory,  S.  C,  12. 

Wirt's  "Life  of  Patrick  Henry,"  vii. 

Yankee,  frigate,  148. 

"  Year  Book  of  Charleston,"  vii. 

York  race-course,  S.  C,  40. 


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